中国与东盟纺织服装贸易发展现状及对策

中国与东盟双边纺织服装贸易规模不大,但连年增长,增速较快,中国保持顺差。产品结构以纺织品和中间产品为主,市场较集中,中国对东盟纺织服装出口主要集中在印度尼西亚、越南、泰国、新加坡等国市场,市场占有率逐年提高;进口主要集中在印度尼西亚、马来西亚、泰国和越南等国家市场,所占份额不大,但逐年上升。中国和东盟纺织服装贸易前景良好,市场容量扩大,但也面临竞争性考验,需要分工合作。     

The most-favored nation rule in principle and practice: Discrimination in the GATT

The conflicts of interest that prevailed between the great powers in the wake of the First World War eviscerated their ability to respond collectively to the advent of the Great Depression. Instead, each turned to discriminatory trade barriers and trade blocs to try to revive domestic output. Persuaded that trade discrimination exacerbated the political tensions that erupted in World War II, policy makers constructed a postwar economic order that institutionalized nondiscrimination. Thus, Article 1 of the charter of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) mandates most-favored nation (MFN) treatment. We argue here that the MFN clause itself encouraged the adoption of practices and policies that actually recreated discrimination. In particular, we argue, developing countries, long regarded as victims of discrimination, institutionalized it in their negotiations with each other. We examine two developing country PTAs that included about 80 percent of all developing-country GATT members by output (the Global System of Trade Preferences and the Protocol Relating to Trade Negotiations). We show that as in the GATT writ large, their patterns of tariff cuts and trade expansion were highly skewed toward a small number of their largest members. In trying to avoid discrimination, policy makers actually encouraged its de facto adoption.     

中国—东盟自由贸易区服务贸易争端解决机制及中国的对策

<中国-东盟自由贸易区服务贸易协议>实施后,中国与东盟的服务贸易发展迅速,并呈现出多元化的势头,随之而来的服务贸易领域中的争端也会增多并复杂化.为促进双方服务贸易的顺利开展,有必要对中国-东盟服务贸易争端解决机制做进一步的探讨.     

The politics of deep integration*

Abstract

Efforts to pursue ‘deep integration’—agreeing to international rules governing domestic policies to mitigate their adverse trade effects—have been pivotal to the politicization of trade policy. The contributions to this special issue focus on different political dynamics associated with recent high-profile efforts at deep integration. Collectively, they analyse the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), the Transpacific Partnership (TPP) and the Japan–European Union Economic Partnership Agreement (JEEPA) negotiations. The special issue, therefore, focuses on extreme examples of deep integration in order to illuminate new political dynamics. This introductory article introduces the concept of ‘deep integration’ and explores how it has been pursued in historical and contemporary trade negotiations. It also relates recent attempts at deep integration to the rise of populist anti-globalization movements. In light of these discussions, this article introduces the contributions to the issue. It concludes by considering whether the politics associated with TTIP and CETA in Europe represent the future of trade policy.     

越南与欧盟经贸合作的历程、现状与前景

1990年11月28日，越南与欧盟正式建交，20年来双边经贸关系发展迅速。1995年双方签署《越南一欧盟合作框架协议》，2012年双方签署《越南-欧盟全面友好合作协议》，为双边经贸发展搭建全新合作框架。越南-欧盟自由贸易区建成将进一步提升双方贸易投资合作水平。21世纪，越南与欧盟的经贸关系具有广阔的发展前景。     

The Dominican Republic and Central America Free Trade Agreement with the USA: some concerns

This article examines the role of free-trade agreements that integrate profoundly asymmetrical economies in simultaneously benefiting the more powerful nation and exacerbating inequalities within and between the countries involved. The latest in a series of such agreements in the Americas, the Dominican Republic and Central America Free Trade Agreement (DR–CAFTA), opens up the economies of these small nations to US investment and exports, as multinational companies are able to take advantage of lower production costs and weak labour legislation. In the global economy, South–South trade agreements offer a far better alternative for countries with weak institutions and little economic or political leverage.     

论美国关税法的演变

自 1789年第 1部关税法颁布以来,贸易保护主义一直是贯穿于美国关税及贸易法案中的主线。从1828年的可憎关税法至 1930年的斯慕特—霍利关税法,美国顽固地推行高关税政策。即使南北战争前的一段低关税时期,也只具有相对的意义。1934年的互惠贸易协定法使关税不再通过立法的形式表现出来,而是由总统与他国的贸易谈判来确立。但国会在贸易上的立法权直接决定了总统在谈判中的关税底线。从这个意义上讲,贸易法取代了关税法。在第二次世界大战结束后,虽然美国大力倡导自由多边贸易政策,但互惠贸易协定法的局限性使之黯然失色。     

Think globally,buy locally: International agreements and government procurement

Do international treaties constrain national governments? The answer appears to be “yes” when it comes to the use of traditional barriers to trade, such as tariffs. Yet, while many governments have cut tariffs to comply with international agreements, they have often raised non-tariff barriers in their place. One increasingly prominent non-tariff barrier is discrimination in public procurement. Governments frequently discriminate against foreign suppliers in favor of domestic ones when buying goods and services. In an attempt to reduce procurement discrimination, international organizations, such as the World Trade Organization, have devoted ever more attention to members’ procurement practices. Additionally, a growing number of preferential trade agreements seek to regulate public procurement. It remains unclear, however, whether international rules are effective in changing governments’ purchasing behavior. Using original data, we find that neither multilateral nor preferential procurement agreements substantially reduce governments’ propensity to “buy national.” These results illustrate the difficulty of regulating non-transparent policy areas via international treaties.     

Buying National: Democracy,Public Procurement,and International Trade

Many studies show that democracy promotes freer trade. However, because they typically focus on “at-the-border” barriers such as tariffs, we know little about democracy’s effects on “behind-the-border” barriers such as discrimination in government procurement. We address this question by asking how democracy affects governments’ incentives to discriminate against foreigners when buying goods and services. We argue that “buy national” policies have unclear costs and are harder to attack than policies that visibly interfere with consumers’ ability to buy foreign goods. This makes such provisions more attractive than tariffs to democratic leaders seeking reelection. We thus hypothesize that democracy leads to lower tariffs but to greater discrimination in public procurement. We support this hypothesis with an analysis of procurement and imports in 138 countries from 1990 to 2008. Our results imply that a full understanding of the democracy–trade policy relationship requires attention to increasingly prominent behind-the-border barriers to trade.     

中国-东盟自由贸易区的进程与前景

中国—东盟自由贸易区得以产生决非偶然,它是以全球贸易自由化的迅速兴起和中国加入世贸组织的区域影响为背景。中国与东盟正式签署了《中国与东盟全面经济合作框架协议》,确定了中国-东盟自由贸易区的目标、范围、措施、时间表,它为建立中国-东盟自由贸易区设计了基本架构,诚然,中国-东盟自由贸易区进程中,将面临来自区域内外的一系列挑战。不过,在中国与东盟之间,共同利益远大于分歧,合作机遇远大于挑战。     

《中巴自由贸易协定》原产地规则研究

本文从<中巴自由贸易协定>原产地的规则入手,全面系统地分析了中巴自由贸易区的原产地规则.通过这一分析,我们可以看出中巴自由贸易区采用40%从价百分比作为原产地判定的基本标准,同时双方还可根据需要制定特定产品原产地标准.     

Trade at the margin: Estimating the economic implications of preferential trade agreements

Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) have become the most prevalent form of international trade liberalization in recent decades, even though it remains far from clear what their effects on economies and their key units, firms, are. This paper evaluates the distributional consequences of trade liberalization within industries differentiating two distinct aspects in which trade liberalization could result in higher trade flows: the intensive vs. the extensive margin of trade. In particular, we analyze whether trade liberalization leads to increased trade flows because either firms trade more volume in products they have already traded before (intensive margin) or because they start to trade products they have not traded previously (extensive margin), or both. We test these arguments for the Dominican Republic–Central America–United States Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR) and exporting firms based in Costa Rica for the time-period 2008–2014. The results of our study suggest that the effects of CAFTA-DR depend not only on whether we analyze the extensive versus the intensive margin of trade but also whether the product in question is homogenous or differentiated and whether the exporting firm under analysis is small or large. In particular, we find support for the theoretical expectation that firms exporting heterogeneous products, such as textiles, gain from trade agreements, such as CAFTA-DR, in that they can export more varieties of their products. Yet at the same time, they tend to lose at the intensive margin by a reduction in their trade volume while the opposite pattern occurs for firms exporting homogenous products.     

Regional Trade Agreements as Military Alliances

Research on change in international regimes usually examines noncompliance with regime norms. In studies of international trade regimes, this means a focus on the imposition of trade barriers rather than liberalization. Developing a measure of compliant as well as noncompliant government intervention in trade for the Contracting Parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade gives a fuller indication of regime strength. Regressing these measures against the rate of change in export volumes for the market economies allows an examination of the effects of changes in regime strength and system performance. At this level of the international system, the analysis points to a strong negative relationship between protectionist acts and the rate of growth in the export volume of the market economies; however, detrending and deserializing the independent variables results in a strong negative relationship between changes in export volume and the percentage of countries that both increase and decrease protectionist policies in the same year.     

Domestic Institutions,Trade Disputes,and the Monitoring and Enforcement of International Law

Why do some governments participate more actively in the enforcement of international law than others? In the context of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)/World Trade Organization (WTO), I argue that domestic institutions – and, specifically, the electoral rule – can account for these differences. Interest groups are frequently harmed when foreign governments violate international law and have compliance information, but they lack access to formal enforcement mechanisms, such as dispute settlement bodies. I identify two complementary effects of domestic institutions. Where domestic institutions increase the government’s responsiveness to interest groups, the government is more likely to enforce international law on their behalf. In turn, because they expect that rule violations are more likely to be enforced, interest groups are more willing to contribute to the monitoring of international law. Hence, interest groups are more likely to provide the information necessary for enforcement, and governments are more likely to be aware of rule violations and to provide enforcement. Empirical evidence from the GATT/WTO is consistent with these propositions.     

US economic statecraft in East Asia

Linkage politics in the US were revived after the terroristattacks in 2001 as the US endeavored to bolster its positionin the international system. This paper examines current USeconomic statecraft in East Asia, particularly through the useof the preferential trade agreement instrument. As the US encountersincreasing threats in the region through China's economic andmilitary expansion, the emergence of Islamic militancy, andcontinuing tensions on the Korean peninsula, it is attemptingto reinforce its strategic position through the economic reinforcementof its bilateral politico-military alliances. However, as theestablishment of its recent free trade agreements has revealed,neo-mercantilist politics, as motivated by US Congressionalattention to domestic lobbying, present a risk to this strategy.It is possible that this tendency to economic nationalism, asevidenced in the Australia–US Free Trade Agreement, willdetract from the broader purpose of reinforcing the US strategicposition in the region. Received for publication April 10, 2007. Accepted for publication February 19, 2008.     

The GATS and internet-based services: between market access and domestic regulation

The General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) has attracted much attention in public and academic debate. The aim of this article is to analyse the application of the GATS to internet-based services, thus providing a lens through which important issues concerning the GATS can be highlighted. This article reviews the far-reaching implications of the recent US—Gambling dispute for the regulation of (internet-based) services. It argues that World Trade Organization Members need to make a greater effort to delineate the key GATS obligations (market access, national treatment, and disciplines on domestic regulation) in order to provide national law- and policy-makers and trade negotiators with more legal certainty and predictability in the application of the GATS.     

中国纺织企业在俄罗斯跨国经营的探讨

自改革开放以来,纺织品一直是中国出口产品的主要类别,加入世贸组织后,我国纺织品出口持续高速增长。据海关统计,2004年我国对全球出口的纺织品服装已达951亿美元,约占全年出口总额的16%,占全球纺织品贸易总额的1/4。由于受到新一轮贸易保护主义的影响,最近一段时间,先是美国对中国棉制针织衬衫等七种纺织品设限,后是欧盟无视中国一再采取的加征关税等措施,对中国T恤和麻纱采取设限措施。在这种示范效应的带动下,目前已有54个国家的98个行业组织签署了《伊斯坦布尔宣言》,对中国纺织品出口设置障碍。在这种情况下,中国纺织企业应认真思考和寻找更多的出路和市场。     

Lobbying as a Private Good with Intra-Industry Trade

Intra-industry trade—trade in different varieties of the same product between countries with similar factor endowments—has been an important and surprising feature of the postwar international economy. Economists have explained this trade with models of monopolistic competition, which suggest that intra-industry trade does not have the stark distributional consequences that the more traditional "endowments-based" trade does. I do not dispute that claim here, although I do dispute a political implication drawn from it—that intra-industry trade produces less political action than endowments-based trade. I argue that, because firms involved in intra-industry trade are monopolists, lobbying essentially becomes a private good . If intra-industry trade places costs on firms, they do not have less incentive to take political action to stop it, as the conventional wisdom suggests. I provide evidence for this contention from complaints lodged with the International Trade Commission. The results show that the higher the degree of intra-industry trade the more likely an industry will request protection from the ITC.     

Trade and investment: Introduction to the special issue

This special issue focuses on a variety of political-economy questions on trade and investment and is guided by a shared understanding that trade and investment processes can no longer be studied in isolation from each other. Three articles provide new insights into the study of the design of preferential trade agreements and effects thereof, two of which focus on the politically salient issues of non-trade concerns. A third one investigates which export sectors win from improved market access opportunities, in order words, how gains from trade are distributed. Two articles study the World Trade Organization’s dispute settlement system. One contribution is unpacking the role of the most important and influential firms and investors in affecting US behavior in WTO disputes, a second contribution studies how leadership changes in democracies and autocracies have different effects on dispute behavior. Finally, the special issue includes a new study on how the shadow economies in developing states are affected by the integration into the world economy (trade and investment) and by policy programs of the International Monetary Fund.     

论《中巴自由贸易协定》中的争端解决机制

本文就《中巴自由贸易协定》争端解决机制的产生及其法律基础、争端解决机制的机构和程序，以及《中已自由贸易协定》争端解决机制与世界贸易组织争端解决机制的关系进行了详细分析。