Propaganda and United States foreign policy: The case of panama

Abstract

This paper probes the use of propaganda by the U.S. government as a device for generating domestic public support for its invasion of Panama. The findings indicate that the government did succeed in influencing domestic public opinion. What accounted for the success? First, through the propaganda technique of selection, the U.S. government carefully chose those “facts” that supported its predetermined objective of removing General Manuel Noriega from power. Concomitantly, it concealed the information that would have undermined the veracity of its story: (1) the fact that Noriega was its Frankenstein monster; (2) its poor record on democracy in Panama; (3) the fact that there was no serious threat to American lives or interests; (4) the enormous human and material carnage occasioned by the invasion; and (5) the various violations of international law. Further, the traditional sources of public influence—the Democratic party, major opposition party to the Republicans, and the American press—failed to provide competing perspectives. In fact, they joined the government's propaganda bandwagon. The result was that the American public became convinced that the Bush administration's “official story” was the truth.     

透视巴基斯坦国内政局的三重视角：军队、宗教势力和美国

军队、毛拉(伊斯兰宗教势力)和美国是影响巴基斯坦国内政局走势的三大主要力量。军队在巴基斯坦政治生活中扮演着关键的角色,宗教势力则随着反恐战争的开展而不断壮大,美国出于反恐的需要必须保持对巴基斯坦政局的影响力。在新形势下,三者之间的互动以全球反恐战争为背景,以对巴政府领导权的争夺为主要内容,以兼顾斗争与合作为主要手段。三者构成了巴基斯坦政治格局的基本力量,对其政治进程的发展起着主导作用。     

金融危机与美国霸权战略的调整

战后以来,强大经济实力始终是美国霸权政治的基础,金融则扮演了美国经济“晴雨表”的角色.2007年后的金融危机和债务危机削弱了美国霸权的经济“实力”,使美国霸权战略不得不进行一系列调整:在经济领域,奥巴马政府实施了经济优先战略,推动美国霸权战略的“国内化”转向,力图夯实美国在世界政治经济格局中的霸主基础;在国际政治领域,加速推进“转型外交”进程,倡导多边主义和国际协作;在军事领域,采取相对收缩的军事战略,适时调整海外军事布局,全力应对国际金融危机.     

Introduction: Survey and Experimental Research in International Political Economy

Studies in international political economy (IPE) that use survey-response data sets and survey (or field) experiments have grown dramatically in recent years. New developments in survey and experimental methodology have arguably influenced IPE scholars not only to think more deeply about the microfoundations of the preferences, attitudes, and political behavior of key IPE actors but also to use survey or experimental methods to test causal claims and predictions. Yet the reasons for the rapid growth in survey and experimental methods in IPE are more multifaceted. We therefore seek to answer the following three pertinent questions in the introduction. First, what are the main substantive puzzles and issue-areas that IPE scholars analyze via survey and experimental methods in their research? Second, what are the main methodological advantages and drawbacks from using survey and experimental methods in IPE? Third, what are the key substantive theoretical and empirical insights that scholars have learned from recent research in IPE that employs either survey or experimental methods (or both)? In addition to answering these questions here, we also provide a summary of each article included in the special issue. The introduction concludes with a road map for future studies on survey and experimental research in IPE.     

European entry into the multinational Sinai force and observers

Nicolas Sarkozy's presidency presented a mixed record on the issues of Muslim immigration and integration. On the one hand, his administration took novel and constructive steps to advance the integration of Muslim immigrants into French society, notably through the granting of unprecedented official recognition and institutional representation to Islam in the country. On the other, by placing the immigration issue at the centre of his 2012 re-election strategy, he overshadowed and undermined the effectiveness of these integrative policies. Given the country's worsening economic outlook and rising unemployment, immigration is therefore likely to remain as salient and difficult an issue under the new Hollande administration as it was under Sarkozy's.     

States and their international relations since 1816: introducing version 2 of the International System(s) Dataset (ISD)

ABSTRACT

We introduce version 2 of the International System(s) Dataset (ISD), a register of sovereign states across the 1816–2016 period that include numerous states that are missed in commonly used datasets like the Correlates of War (COW) Project. Whereas ISD version 1 identified 363 states between 1816 and 2011, version 2 identifies 482. This version also records valuable information on a range of corollary variables, including start dates, end dates, estimated population sizes, diplomatic relations with Europe, conflict episodes, the existence of borders, and the location of capital cities. This dataset makes an important contribution to the study of international relations. It provides a more accurate understanding of the development of the international system over the last two centuries, it moves beyond the Eurocentric bias that sits at the heart of existing quantitative IR scholarship, and it will enable scholars to pursue a range of research topics such as the historical importance of state borders and boundaries, the practices surrounding recognition, and the frequency and intensity of conflict across regions. In this article, we discuss the existing state system membership lists and show how the ISD addresses their shortcomings. We outline the key concept and operationalization of statehood that the ISD adopts. We detail the variables included in this version of the ISD, discuss the data collection process, and show temporal and spatial distributions that illustrate the uniqueness of the ISD. Finally, we demonstrate the utility of bringing the ISD into one of many potential research topics: the study of conflict.     

美国与冷战后的联合国维持和平行动

冷战结束期间及冷战后是联合国维和行动急剧增加的时期,我们看到大量分析冷战后维和行动形势变化的材料,这无疑是必要的。但形势中一个重大的因素,就是冷战剩下的惟一超级大国美国的动向。很少有人把联合国维和行动面对的形势变化同美国冷战后的战略策略变化联系起来,本文拟就此略加填补。     

日元升值与日本对外贸易政策调整的绩效分析

198 5年以来 ,日元兑美元汇率升值幅度相当大 ,对日元升值与日本对外贸易变化之间的关系进行实证分析的结果表明 ,在日元升值期间 ,日本的出口贸易依然保持了较高的增长速度 ,进口增长却不像预期的那样快。产生这一现象的主要原因在于日本政府采取的一系列政策措施抵消了日元升值的不利影响。对于正面临着人民币升值压力的我国来说 ,应及早采取措施 ,预防可能出现的汇率波动冲击。     

美国的出口管制政策及其对美中贸易的影响

美国出口管制政策演变的历史表明,出口管制始终是美国国家战略的一个重要组成部分。自中华人民共和国成立以来,美国对华一直实行歧视性出口管制政策。这不仅在相当程度上加剧了美中贸易失衡,而且使两国都付出了巨大的经济代价。由于奥巴马政府并未改变美国对华的一贯立场,因此其推动的出口管制改革并未惠及美中贸易,使美中贸易关系的发展日趋复杂。在对华出口管制问题上,美中两国的博弈将是一个长期的过程,在美中双边经济相互依赖关系中明显处于弱势地位的中国应当积极采取措施予以应对。     

东亚共同体与美国

“东亚共同体”问题与美国之间20年的关系（1990-2010年）扑朔迷离。美国在亚洲金融危机中的表现直接导致了它最不愿意看到的东亚共同体构想的产生。之后,它监视和反对东亚国家致力于建立东亚共同体的努力,力防经济竞争对手日本或社会主义中国主导未来的东亚共同体,企图以自己主导的亚太经合组织取而代之。然而,美国又要求参加东亚共同体。但美国不适宜成为东亚共同体的成员,一是因为它不是东亚经济板块上的国家,二是由于其现行的东亚政策不利于东亚共同体建立。但这并不妨碍它继续参与东亚经济。     

保守主义及其在美国的演变

乔治·W·布什入主白宫以来 ,保守派人士占据了多数政府要职 ,保守主义理念大行其道 ,从根本上影响着政府的各项决策 ,这是继里根时期之后保守主义思潮在美国的又一次高涨。本文通过对保守主义的内涵、渊源、美国自身的保守主义传统及在当代演化的分析 ,旨在帮助人们更好地理解布什政府推行的内外政策。     

金砖四国金融服务贸易国际竞争力研究

近年来,国际服务贸易发展迅猛,日益成为衡量一个国家竞争力的重要指标。随着金融市场的逐步开放,中国、印度、俄罗斯和巴西被称为金砖四国的金融服务贸易得到快速发展。但在对金砖四国金融服务贸易指标的比较中我们发现,中国的金融服务贸易不仅远远落后于世界平均水平,在金砖四国内部比较中也处于劣势地位。针对我国金融服务贸易现阶段的情况,我们要加快实施"走出去"战略,提升营销能力,加强金砖四国在金融领域的合作,完善金融体制,改变增长方式,学习香港经验,增强资源整合优势,进一步拓展金融服务外包市场,加强对金融服务贸易人才的培养和引进等措施来提高中国金融服务贸易的国际竞争力。     

Cause and Impact of the Financial Crisis in the United States

The current round of financial crisis stemming from the U.S. is now spreading rapidly all over the world. People are yet to see what will become of the crisis. There are entrenched reasons for the crisis.     

Intelligence culture and intelligence failure in Britain and the United States

This article argues for the value of a theory of ‘intelligence culture’ in understanding not only how national intelligence systems work but also how intelligence failures occur in those systems. A model of national intelligence cultures in the governments of the United Kingdom and United States of America is developed combining existing work on organisational culture in the two countries with the author's comparative analysis of different conceptions of intelligence culture in the two systems. This model is used to develop a failure mode analysis of the two systems, which is then tentatively assessed against representative examples from the two countries, culminating in application of the model to the failure of both intelligence systems to correctly estimate Iraqi weapons of mass destruction capabilities prior to March 2003.     

伪满洲国日本人移民用地征购政策

伪满洲国建立后,日本便不失时机地向中国东北大规模推行日本人农业移民,以达到土地和人口的占领,进而实现长期霸占的目的。为此日本关东军等有关侵略机构便煞费苦心炮制了一系列日本农业移民用地取得的方针、政策,并以军事为后盾,对中国东北的土地进行疯狂的强行"征用"、"收买"和掠夺,给中国人民带来了深重的灾难。     

High-tech Interest Groups in the United States and Its Political Influence

Representing the appeals of its industry,the high-tech interest group has recently become an emerging political force in the United States.With abundant financial resources and proficiency in political communication,the group rapidly grows to be a significant force in the American political sphere.It has started to affect the internal and foreign affairs of the U.S.and played a proactive role in the latest presidential election.Since the high-tech interest group has already become and will continue to be a big player in Sino-U.S.relations,China should carefully deal with its appeals and conflict of interests,and try to develop this group into a stabilizer between the two countries.     

The Social Construction of Policy Reform: Economists and Trade Liberalization Around the World

We argue that the global spread of ideas contributes to trade liberalization. Building on insights from a rich case-based literature, we suggest an explicit mechanism of trade policy diffusion: US-trained Ph.D. economists, who share a common belief in the benefits of free trade, and who operate with varying degrees of political influence around the world. We offer the first cross-national test of the impact of economists on trade liberalization using a unique dataset recording the country of residence of all 6,493 foreign-based, US-trained American Economic Association (AEA) members over the period 1981–1997. Specifically, we measure the influence of economists on the timing and extent of trade liberalization. First, we endogenize the date of trade liberalization using hazard and probit models. Controlling for alternative diffusion mechanisms and other confounding variables, our results suggest that economists significantly speed up the reform process. Second, we find that countries with greater numbers of economists are more open to trade at the end of the period. All of our results are robust to an instrumental variables strategy that employs the number of Fulbright grants allocated by the United States as an instrument for the number of US-trained economists.