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Carmen A. Gayoso 《Communist and Post》2009,42(2):233-252
The broad purpose of this study is to exemplify changing forms of hierarchical rule manifested in post-Soviet Russia's varying provision of regional security related to military conflicts. Russia's regional role varies in form and in thickness. Although the endurance of Soviet legacy can be observed in four major areas (stabilising borders, economic interest, unification of fellow Slavs and fluctuating alliances), there is enough variance to suggest that over-deterministic theories about Russian regional foreign policy do not account for conjunctural factors that can contribute to change. Instead, we can view the Soviet and post-Soviet regional dynamic as one that is on a fluid anarchy–hierarchy spectrum. 相似文献
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20世纪90年代俄罗斯启动经济转轨之后,由制度变迁所导致的利益分配关系调整对经济转轨和社会转型均产生了重要的影响.作为不同社会集团力量均衡结果的利益结构与经济转轨的历程密切相关,在相当程度上,利益结构的变化反映着经济社会转型的绩效.本文从利益分配的角度,运用制度主义的相关理论工具,对俄经济转轨的运行机理和绩效特征进行了分析.笔者认为,俄罗斯经济利益关系的协调是促进其经济社会转型,积极、稳妥地推进国内经济、政治改革的关键环节. 相似文献
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The aim of this study is to investigate the representation of Mikhail Gorbachev in contemporary Russian media discourse. Attention is paid to Gorbachev's social roles and activities as well as his personality, as presented in Russian news texts. The empirical data were collected over the period from 2000 to 2009 from seven major Russian newspapers. According to these data, a dual relationship to Gorbachev exists: in the West he is an honoured politician with a high profile, whereas in Russia the attitude towards him is ambivalent. In most texts he is represented as a once important political actor. 相似文献
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Neil Robinson 《欧亚研究》2013,65(3):450-472
Russia's recovery from the deep economic crisis it experienced in 2008–2009 did not deliver clear political dividends for the Russian leadership. This is because of the context in which the crisis occurred and the way that the leadership, particularly President Medvedev, and many of its critics described the crisis. The oil-fuelled boom that preceded the crisis had the effect of deepening it. Economic recovery based on rising energy prices looks like a failure, rather than a success, and highlights the underlying structural problems of the Russian economy. Arguments about the need for modernisation from within government exacerbated this perception. This seems to have weakened the connection between approval for the leadership and economic growth, a staple of pre-crisis politics. 相似文献
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Paradorn Rangsimaporn 《欧亚研究》2006,58(3):371-389
This article examines the concept of Eurasianism in relation to Russia's East Asian policy from Yeltsin to Putin. It argues that there are three main interpretations of Russia's Eurasianist identity in the foreign policy discourse regarding East Asia: Pragmatic Eurasianism, Neo-Eurasianism, and Intercivilisational Eurasianism. Each interpretation emphasises a different aspect of Eurasianism with different policy implications. However, they all share an instrumentalist nature, of being used to justify Russia's Great Power status and a greater role for it in East Asia. Moreover, it is the pragmatic and geoeconomic aspects of Russia's Eurasianist identity that are being stressed most by the Putin administration, especially on energy and transport links. 相似文献
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Rudiger Ahrend 《欧亚研究》2006,58(1):1-24
This article provides an in-depth analysis of Russia's post-crisis growth, with a view to understanding the prospects for its continuation. It examines in detail the chief drivers of growth, as well as the main developments and policies that have been underlying it. A key finding is that the role of the oil sector, and particularly privately owned oil companies, has been vastly more important in driving economic growth from 2001 to 2004 than thus far recognised. The oil sector's contribution to growth has hitherto been severely underestimated because official data do not account for transfer pricing and thus fail to fully reflect the importance of the hydrocarbon sector in the Russian economy. In the light of this finding, this article also assesses the economic impact of the ‘Yukos affair’. Looking forward, it is reasoned that—given its economic structure—Russia is bound to remain a heavily resource-dependent economy for some time to come. The article further argues that, given good macroeconomic management and the avoidance of gross policy errors, Russia could realistically hope to sustain high growth rates over the medium term. However, given current tendencies for greater state involvement in key sectors of the economy, such an outcome is not by any means guaranteed. 相似文献
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Using materials gathered during field work in the penal region in the southwest corner of the Republic of Mordoviya in 2007, the authors examine the official representations of the history of the Mordovan gulag from 1930 to the present day. Through an analysis of the penal authority's institutional newspaper, its museum and anniversary celebrations marking the founding of the Mordovan gulag, the authors argue that a stress in the official history on continuity and tradition of service is evidence of growing confidence of this part of the security apparatus after their loss of status in the 1990s associated with the collapse of the penal economy and negative comment by international monitors and domestic penal reformers. 相似文献
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黄登学 《当代世界社会主义问题》2007,(1)
经过十多年的发展和演进,俄罗斯政党政治虽然发生了根本性的变化,但与西方经历了数百年发展历程的所谓"民主政治"相比,无论从制度上、法律上,还是从政党政治的实践看,俄罗斯政党政治都还处在其发展的初级阶段,未来发展仍具有相当的不确定性. 相似文献