中俄两国经贸合作步入新阶段

2004年是中俄两国建交55周年,两国总理和国家元首先后在莫斯科、北京举行了会晤,其中就双边经贸合作问题展开了坦率务实的交谈,并且依据所达成的共识通过与发表的相关文件,以及将要采取的各项有价值的具体措施,标志着中俄两大邻国经贸合作关系已经步入可操作性的新阶段.     

近中期中俄油气合作的战略思考

中俄油气合作的历史及现状一、中俄油气合作的历史中俄油气合作大致划分为三个阶段：一是俄方主动、中方参与;二是中方主动、俄方参与;二是当前双方都热衷的阶段。     

中国应加强与中亚国家油气合作

中亚国家是我国近邻,我国与中亚各国在政治、经济、人文、科技领域的合作不断扩大,但在各方面仍有潜力可挖。加快与中亚国家的油气合作步伐,对我国具有政治、安全、经济等诸多方面的意义。 一、有利于增强我国与中亚国家的友好合作。 苏联解体后,我国对中亚各国奉行睦邻友好政策,各领域的合作不断加深。但是应当看到,中国与中亚国家的经济联系尚不密切,远未构筑起能够从经济领域影响中亚国家的平台。在世界经济一体化的     

深化中俄党际交流 推动边境经济合作——第二届中俄政党论坛侧记

2009年10月9日,地处东北亚腹地中心地带的绥芬河市整洁的街道上,到处洋溢着节日的气氛,中国和俄罗斯两国国旗把这个素有“百年口岸”之称的小城装扮得格外艳丽。这一天,由中国共产党和俄罗斯统一俄罗斯党主办的第二届中俄政党论坛在这里隆重举行。     

Oil and Gas: A Blessing for the Few. Hydrocarbons and Inequality within Regions in Russia

Building on earlier work on regional inequality in Russia the article seeks to demonstrate that the regional oil and gas abundance is associated with high within-region inequality. It provides empirical evidence that hydrocarbons represent one of the leading determinants of an increased gap between rich and poor in the producing regions. The discussion focuses on a possible cluster of geographic, economic and political factors underlying the phenomenon.     

The Reform of the Russian Power Sector: The Rhetoric and Reality

As a result of reforms in the Russian power sector, vertically integrated monopolies have been broken up, generation companies privatised, and a competitive electricity market introduced. This article discusses the key acts of the reform, the political and economic circumstances in which it has been enacted, and the challenges being confronted. These include, in particular, the impact of the financial crisis and the structural weaknesses it has exposed, the changing relationship between the gas and electricity market, the understanding of ‘market competition’ and pricing held by key actors, the problems caused by adhering to pre-determined targets, and the imperative of ensuring a ‘socially responsible’ transition.     

The Internationalisation of the Russian–Chechen Conflict: Myths and Reality

The article provides a critical reading of various related discourses, depicting the political motives behind the conflict in Chechnya as a battlefield of the global jihad. These narratives have sought to present the involvement of external Islamist groups as a major factor in the conflict, and to portray many of the main groups within Chechnya as subscribing to a jihadist ideology. The authors suggest an alternative narrative focusing on the significance of the blood feud in the societies of the North Caucasus. It is argued that it is necessary to differentiate between the radicalisation of the resistance as such and the strengthening of the ideology of jihad. It is concluded that the resistance currently assumes a supranational character, yet one which is delimited regionally rather than globally.     

The Question is When: The Ideology of Al Qaeda and the Reality of Bioterrorism

The subject of women fighting in jihad has been a controversial and under-researched topic in classical and contemporary Muslim religious literature. In general, classical authorities did not see women fighting except in the most extraordinary circumstances yet did not expressly forbid it. Today radical Muslims seeking to widen their appeal have modified these conclusions and made it possible for women to participate together with men on the battlefield and in martyrdom operations. This article looks at the classical religious and legal literature to contextualize the arguments being made for females participating in jihad in contemporary times.     

The Difficulties and Dilemmas of International Intelligence Cooperation

Stéphane Lefebvre is a former Strategic Analyst at the Canadian Department of National Defence and a former Marcel Cadieux Policy Planning Fellow at the Canadian Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade. The views expressed here are the author's and do not necessarily reflect the views of any governmental or nongovernmental organizations with which he is or has been affiliated. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Colloque Renseignement et Sécurité internationale, Laval University, Quebec City, Canada, on 20 March 2003.     

Perception vs. Reality: Slovak Views of the Hungarian Minority in Slovakia

After Slovakia and the Czech lands separated in 1993, concerns arose regarding Slovakia's ethnic Hungarian, or Magyar, minority. There were concerns about the Slovak government's attitude toward its considerable Magyar population as well as worries about the Hungarian government's stance regarding Magyars in Slovakia and the Slovak-Hungarian border. Frequently over the past decade, the topic of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia has been manipulated by politicians. In both Slovakia and Hungary, Slovak and Hungarian politicians alike have tried to expose “injustices” or “excesses” for political gain. Indeed, the maneuvering of national politicians might lead one to perceive that the reality of contemporary Slovak-Magyar relations was tenuous and acrimonious. But politics aside, what does the average Slovak think of the Magyar minority and Magyar-Slovak relations generally? To what extent do the political debates encompass their actual concerns and deeply held views? In June 2002, I visited Slovakia and pursued these questions in a series of informal interviews with an ad hoc sample of natives, aged 28 to 78. Among them were bankers, administrators, educators, small business owners, doctors, tour guides, taxi drivers, accountants, and one retiree. My quest to find out what ordinary Slovak citizens think about Slovak-Hungarian relations explored both long-held perceptions and present-day thinking. Very often I discovered a marked divergence between perception and reality where the Hungarian minority was concerned. Slovakia is home to a variety of non-Slovak cultures and languages, including Czech, Ukrainian/Ruthenian, and Romany (gypsy). But the largest cultural and linguistic minority are the c. 600,000 Hungarians, who comprise 11% of the population overall and up to 87% in certain towns and villages in southern Slovakia. For example, a 1994 report by the British Helsinki Human Rights Group (BHHRG) lists the southwestern Slovak towns of Dunajska Streda and Komarno as 87.26% and 72.27% Hungarian, respectively.     

“中美+”三方发展合作的双重挑战及修复路径

国际发展领域的"中美+"合作是指作为最大南南合作伙伴的中国、最大传统援助国的美国与来自发展中世界的受援方之间的三方发展合作。21世纪初以来,中美两国曾加强在国际发展领域的政策协调,开展了"中美+阿富汗"人力资源三方合作、"中美+东帝汶"农业三方合作、"中美+非洲"公共卫生三方合作等试点项目合作,取得了初步成果。然而,2018年以来"中美+"合作遭遇了国际发展领域内摩擦隔阂与美国对华政策阻力的双重挑战。在新冠肺炎疫情重创全球发展成果的当下,中美恢复和加强在国际发展领域的三方合作具有积极意义。通过敦促美方重启两国发展合作对话、鼓励中美民间组织开展非典型"中美+"合作、加强与受援方的协调和衔接等途径,中方可发挥建设性作用,努力推动"中美+"合作早日重回正轨。     

Transition to a market economy and sustained growth. Implications for the post-Washington consensus

Transition to a market economy is a lengthy process comprised of various spheres of economic activities. The belief that a market economy can be introduced by “shock therapy” is wrong, and in several cases has caused more problems than it has solved. Since a market economy requires adequate institutional structures, transition can be executed only in a gradual manner. Despite the fact that so-called Washington consensus, i.e. a set of policies aiming to shift from stabilization to growth, was developed without concern for post-socialist transformation, these ideas have significantly influenced the path of thought and action in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. After a decade of transition and lasting depression, a new, post-Washington consensus is developing. Major policy conclusions suggest that the core of emerging consensus, also based on the lessons from transitions, is institutional building. Only with strong institutions can liberalization and privatization put emerging post-socialist markets on the path of sustainable growth. Yet, to accomplish such a task the policy reforms must also take into consideration the need for equitable growth and the new role of the state. The latter must not retire from economic activities, but ought to change its role to support the reforms and integration of the post-socialist countries into the world economy in the era of globalization, of which the post-communist transition is an important part.