共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):84-128
Given both corruption's and bureaucratic inefficiency's importance for development and good governance, understanding their causes is paramount. This paper argues that majority state ownership of most the most important economic sectors of a country results in higher levels of corruption and inefficiency. When political and managerial elites both own and manage the country's most important economic resources, they have greater incentives for corrupt or inefficient behavior. These elites use national resources at their disposal more for short-term personal and political goals than for long-term economic ones. This paper tests this hypothesis on a relatively underused, but often cited, data set from the 1980s. Using a cross-national, regression analysis, this paper finds that the best predictors a country's level of corruption or bureaucratic inefficiency are these: majority state ownership of significant economic sectors, levels of GDP per capita, levels of government spending, and levels of democracy. Other factors, such as common law heritage, percent of population that is Protestant, federalism, economic freedoms, or mineral/ oil exporting, were not consistent, significant predictors of either bureaucratic inefficiency or corruption. We also argue that Tobit may be the best estimation procedure for these data. 相似文献
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Janice Musson 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):125-144
This analysis reviews the discussion behind Britain's recognition of Bangladesh as an independent state in February 1972. It concentrates on correspondence in the preceding six weeks between Whitehall and its diplomatic postings, particularly in the Commonwealth, and considers in detail the role of the Commonwealth Secretariat. Perceptions of recognition are first briefly discussed, followed by Bangladesh's historical background and the international security issues surrounding it. Government and Commonwealth Secretariat files are studied in detail. They show above all the influence on Government decision-making of diplomatic intelligence, in particular the importance of economic and political factors. Also revealed are London's concern for Pakistan's president, Zulfiquar Bhutto, its desire not to recognize alone and the attitude of the Commonwealth's Secretary General. The study suggests that recognition is a far more complex matter than the legal definition would imply and presents a compelling case for its further analysis in an historical context. 相似文献
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Sanzidur Rahman 《Development in Practice》2009,19(2):173-186
The article offers a reflective analysis of various problems encountered and lessons learned in implementing a programme to improve the livelihood security of the urban poor in secondary cities of Bangladesh. The study is based on the author's involvement as an external action-research partner, and a review of relevant secondary literature. A number of key lessons emerge for the success of project operations. These are the need for (1) a clear understanding of the links between project activities and project objectives by all staff; (2) capacity building for all staff tailored to their needs; (3) clear targeting criteria and programme coverage; (4) a full complement of operational guidelines, work plans, and monitoring and evaluation design before implementation; (5) ensuring ‘partnership of organisations’ not ‘partnership of activities’; (6) ensuring the real involvement of beneficiaries in all aspects of the project; (7) staff empowerment and a flexible approach to operations; (8) routine reflections on project progress; and finally (9) being ready to take bold steps and make necessary strategic changes, even if doing so requires significant deviations from pre-set activities and hypothetical schedules as featured in the project proposals. 相似文献
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Floating-bed cultivation has proved a successful means to produce agricultural crops in various wetland areas of the world. In freshwater lakes and wetlands, vegetables, flowers, and seedlings are grown in Bangladesh using this floating cultivation technique, without any additional irrigation or chemical fertiliser. No detailed study of this indigenous cultivation technique has been published to date, although the laboratory method, hydroponics, is well documented in the professional literature. Our study is focused on the nature and characteristics of the Bangladeshi system, where local farmers have demonstrated the potential for the sustainable use of such common-property local water resources. We seek to establish a reference point for further research into this technique for its possible refinement and an assessment of its suitability for replication. 相似文献
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《现代国际关系(英文版)》2017,(1):117-132
Chinese President Xi Jinping's visit to Bangladesh in October 2016 has dramatically uplifted the strategic value of Bangladesh to the world and presented new opportunities to Bangladesls'security,political and economic interests.Bangladesh and China have agreed to elevate'the closer comprehensive partnership of cooperation'to a'strategic partnership.'China's B&R initiative is perhaps a major project for Bangladesh to promote economic development and to connect itself with global markets. 相似文献
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Mahfuzul H. Chowdhury 《冲突、安全与发展》2003,3(2):265-276
The politics and ideology of South Asia has been characterised by violence for a considerable time. Bangladesh is no exception, where violence is both widespread and multifaceted. It arises for political, economic, and socio-cultural reasons and is evidenced not only in the incidence of violence but also in the availability of small arms, in the evident political ties with violent organisations and criminal activities, in the prevalence of corruption and the effect which all this has on the forces of law and order. This poses enormous challenges for the state which urgently needs to introduce measures of reform in the judicial and police administration system. De-linking politics from the activities of criminals and terrorists is an important first step toward this goal. 相似文献
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Bangladesh has enthusiastically launched social forestry projects that make grandiose promises of seeking local community involvement and participation in the management of forest resources. This study examines the functioning of the Chandra Agroforestry Research and Demonstration Project to evaluate the actual extent and nature of popular participation it entails. After discussing the project and its locale, the methodology of the study is described as an analysis of qualitative and quantitative data collected in the period February-August 1994. The theoretical framework was based on a modified version of Zaman's framework that uses prevalence and opportunity as the indicators of participation. Analysis of prevalence indicators reveals that professional foresters make all major decisions for the project without consulting the farmers involved. The government also has sole responsibility for monitoring and evaluating the project, and the farmers are skeptical that the government will allow them to profit from the benefits arising from the project. Analysis of opportunity indicators shows that the project is not decentralized, cooperative and collaborative linkages have not been made, project flexibility has been sacrificed to bureaucracy, and the incentives promised to the farmers have not materialized. It is concluded that the participation of local residents in the Chandra project has been insignificant but that the project has succeeded in reducing 1) the historical distrust and conflict between forestry officials and local farmers, 2) encroachment on government lands, and 3) the rate of deforestation. In addition, the project has given participating farmers a sense of security. 相似文献
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南方电视台建于2005年,是世界上第一家跨国公共电视台,致力于向全球报道"我们的美洲".它希望创造出一种能抗衡国际传媒集团的信息传播模式,推动拉美实现传媒独立,以传媒手段促进拉美一体化.它的建立不仅有助于拉美各国人民以自己的眼睛观察自我,使拉美各国人民加强相互了解和借鉴,发掘和认同自身的文化和身份,还有助于打破发达国家对全球传媒市场的垄断,为构建"国际信息新秩序"作出尝试.同时,它在保持独立性、保障高质量节目以及资金运转等方面都面临着挑战. 相似文献
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Fotios Moustakis 《European Security》2013,22(1-2):139-156
‘You cannot have a process where Balkan countries pretend to reform and we pretend to believe them.’ Chris Patten, EU Commissioner in charge of External Relations BBC World News, 25 November, 2002
Southeastern Europe represents for Europe a significant geo-strategic and geopolitical region whose stability and security directly affects Europe’s political and security infrastructure. Conflicts and instability are still prevalent in the Balkans and, as a consequence, security cooperation in Europe is struggling to cope with risks of a non-military nature. It is widely accepted that as a region, the Balkans at the dawn of the 21st century remains weak and unable to deal efficiently with soft security threats. This article initially provides a generic picture of the Balkans and the hard security challenges prevalent there. It also aims to identify and assess the main types of new security threats that are currently present in the region, as well as to explore how these threats would be influenced by EU and NATO membership. The article also outlines the cooperative security measures adopted by the southeastern European countries, and it concludes by providing some thoughts on how the future developments in the region will be influenced by current international developments 相似文献
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Peter Thompson 《安全研究》2013,22(1):96-132
Balance of power theories have come roaring back into prominence in recent years as international relations theory grapples with new developments, including offshore balancing and soft balancing. Recent works demonstrate the importance of more than just the distribution of power, and have addressed the role that domestic politics plays in balancing. One overlooked aspect of this debate, with implications for offensive realism and the current discussion on the United States and soft balancing, is the role that nonintervention conventions play in decision making. British nonintervention during the American Civil War presents a case at odds with offensive realist theory, as Britain should have intervened to protect its national interests—cotton, trade, and shipping—while also restraining a regional hegemonic power. Domestic cleavages, democratic peace norms, and public opinion pressures do not sufficiently explain this behavior. Instead, this paper posits that nonintervention was a result of British adherence to precedents and conventions. 相似文献
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The proliferation of Salafi-jihadi insurgencies across Africa challenges the United States’ counterterrorism approach. From its inception, the insurgency in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique was driven by local and foreign dynamics, which have been complicated by additional external intervention in the conflict. Using the Cabo Delgado insurgency, we demonstrate how efforts to address its global dimensions, such as the group's affiliation with the Islamic State, can work against attempts to mitigate its local drivers. We conclude with recommendations for a more effective U.S. response that takes both the local and global dynamics into account. This article builds on our February 2021 report “Combating the Islamic State's Spread in Africa: Assessment and Recommendations for Mozambique,” published by the American Enterprise Institute. 相似文献
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Mokbul Morshed Ahmad 《Development in Practice》2002,12(2):177-191
This article highlights the personal and professional problems of NGO fieldworkers in Bangladesh. The paper draws on field research with the front-line workers of four NGOs, their clients, immediate superiors, and senior management. Fieldworkers face personal problems such as job insecurity, financial hardships, difficulties with accommodation, and family dislocation. These problems differ according to gender, marital status, and age. Professional problems include training, promotion, and transfer. In addition, fieldworkers face problems in their external relationships, including suspicion, resistance or lack of cooperation from religious leaders and local e´lites, time and resource constraints, competition for clients, and eagerness of the intended beneficiaries simply to get access to financial or material benefits. It will be argued that the strengths of the fieldworkers of Southern NGOs have been largely unexplored and undervalued. 相似文献
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拉美国家和其他发展中国家在现代化进程中 ,其政府职能只能强化而不能弱化。现代化进程是个庞大而复杂的系统工程 ,只靠市场经济规律而没有政府干预 ,势必造成无序和失控。因此 ,政府通过经济杠杆、法律约束和必要的行政干预对现代化进程中发生的一些矛盾和冲突进行调解十分必要。在对外关系方面 ,发展中国家的政府职能也只能强化而不能弱化。要坚持“主权平等”的原则 ,反对西方发达国家借口“全球治理”干涉别国内政。总之 ,发展中国家只有制定出符合本国国情和适应新形势的发展战略 ,并从体制、制度、政策和机制等层面上强化政府的职能 ,才能使现代化进程沿着正确的方向不断向前发展。 相似文献
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浅析印度经济增长的动力 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
中印是全球经济增长最快的两个发展中大国,但其增长模式却差异很大。印度的经济增长更具潜力和动力,因为推动印度经济增长的因素是:以信息产业为核心的服务业:低投入、高效率的增长模式和强有实力的私营企业。 相似文献