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Abstract

The aim of this essay is twofold. First, it seeks to examine how Russia and the European Union understand the emerging Eurasian space. We will do this by looking at how the two narrate the space, the use of power and each other. Second, we want to argue that the narratives at the heart of the conceptual and normative maps that guide their actions and behaviour create an essentially ontological security dilemma; that is, behaviour aimed primarily at enhancing confidence in the identity and continuity of a political community threatens the ontological security of other actors.  相似文献   

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徐海燕 《当代世界》2009,(8):42-44,54
如果给当今大国关系的热点排一个序列,恐怕没有比俄罗斯与美国为首的北约之间的“恩怨”更能吸引人们的目光。最近,这对爱恨纠结了半个多世纪的老对手又有了新的举措,并瞬间成了国际政治观察家们津津乐道的话题。  相似文献   

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Richard Holbrooke, the special American envoy to Yugoslavia, negotiated a peace agreement on Kosovo with Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic last fall. He spoke with NPQ editor Nathan Gardels about what it means.  相似文献   

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自去春以来,北约欧盟先后实施大范围东扩.北约二轮东扩增添7个中东欧新成员,另有3国首轮东扩先行入约,数量达到10个.欧盟东扩有8个中东欧国家加盟,算上2007年将要加入的2国,同样是10个国家.除阿尔巴尼亚及前南4国外,由前社会主义国家演变或分化而来的中东欧国家均开始融入欧洲-大西洋体系.回顾一年来的形势发展,双东扩正使这些国家及相关国际关系发生重大变化.  相似文献   

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自20世纪50年代开始的欧洲一体化不仅仅是一个以欧洲大陆为地域范围,对内不断深化和扩展经济与社会整合的进程,也同时是欧洲面向国际社会时独立地位不断加强,影响力不断提升的过程.  相似文献   

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This article argues that the concept of the “domestic security dilemma” can help us to better understand public opposition to government counterterrorism policies. It examines the concept of the “security dilemma” in international relations theory and argues that this concept can also be applied to the analysis of domestic security politics. The article explains that when the government takes actions intended to make people safer from terrorist threats, it often has the unintended consequence of heightening concerns about government oppression. Thus, counterterrorism represents a “domestic security dilemma”—a situation where security tradeoffs have consistently undermined anticipated security gains.  相似文献   

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This article addresses the relationship between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the cocaine trade in Colombia, and implications for the FARC's complete demobilization under the 2016 peace agreement. The article identifies two phases of FARC interaction with drug markets. During the regulation phase (1982–1991), the FARC regulated the coca economy and charged protection rents. During vertical integration (1991–present), the FARC directly participated in drug markets. Contrary to conventional approaches, the article adopts the concept of the security dilemma to argue that FARC integration in drug markets was a strategic response to threats from paramilitaries and narcotics traffickers.  相似文献   

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This article offers an analysis of Europol's security actorness in the external dimension of EU counterterrorism. While Europol has attracted some scholarly attention, not so much work has focused on the meaning of its international agreements in counterterrorism. This article aims to investigate the international actorness of Europol at the international level in relation to the fight against international terrorism. It offers original conceptual insights based on empirical case studies of international agreements: Europol agreements with U.S. law enforcement, as well as Europol agreements with countries in the European Neighbourhood policy.  相似文献   

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苏联解体后 ,俄罗斯政局动荡 ,经济滑坡 ,两极分化严重 ,人民生活水平大幅下降 ,社会紧张局势加剧 ,社会治安状况恶化 ,俄罗斯民众的社会安全感急剧下降 ,社会安全问题成为俄罗斯一个重大而迫切的问题。俄罗斯政府的反危机措施不力 ,尤其是车臣分子的恐怖暴力活动使俄罗斯的社会安全问题更加尖锐和复杂。俄罗斯社会安全问题的尖锐是由苏联解体和从计划经济向市场资本主义经济过渡引起的经济和社会全面变化的自然后果。  相似文献   

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刘强 《国际展望》2011,(3):70-82
特殊的地缘政治关系和历史宿怨等问题,使得中日韩三国军事安全困境并未消除,甚至有所加深。制约中日韩军事安全合作深入发展的最大障碍,既有现实的领土争端问题,也有互信的缺失和国家情感与民族情绪问题,更有美国在东亚的军事同盟所造成的消极影响。而消除中日韩安全困境的途径尽管存在但难度极大,这种状况一定程度上制约了三国间军事安全合作的深入发展。但是,在全球化的背景下,三国也的确存在着共同的安全利益,只要三国能够在以中国倡导的新安全观问题上达成共识,真正拥有超越历史积怨的未来视野、超越冷战思维的战略智慧和超越自我的勇敢和自信,三国在一些关乎世界安全的重大领域中的军事合作仍然存在可能,尽管这种合作可能是有限的,但仍能为维护东亚乃至世界的和平与稳定发挥重大作用。  相似文献   

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双边同盟体系制约下的东亚地区主义:困境与趋向   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
亚洲金融危机以来,东亚地区主义快速发展,但近年来美国不断强化其主导的双边同盟体系制约了东亚认同意识的形成,解构着东亚地区主义的社会文化基础;阻碍地区共同目标的建立,影响着东亚地区主义发展的层次及其机制化水平;造成东亚权力结构的对立,加剧了东亚国家间的互不信任,由此导致东亚地区主义发展陷入困境。由于地区内部驱动力不足以及域外因素美国势力的强力介入,东亚地区主义在地缘范围上将从东亚加快向亚太转移,在结构上将从多层次竞争性多边机制加快整合为统一的地区制度模式,在形式上将从松散模式向具有约束力的制度化方向转变。  相似文献   

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一、引言 目前,新自由主义的制度、政策及其思想在世界上占主导地位.  相似文献   

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Cory Welt 《欧亚研究》2010,62(1):63-97
While the proximate causes of the 2008 Russo–Georgian war have yet to be satisfactorily investigated, an assessment of an earlier occasion of conflict in South Ossetia in 2004 can lay the groundwork for an analysis of the later war. Like the 2008 war, the 2004 conflict was comprehensible on the basis of the ambitious war plans of opposing sides, but it was ultimately rooted in a security dilemma. The conflict thus provides a precedent for considering how a mix of limited offensive intentions, insecurity, uncertainty, and cognitive shortcuts and misperceptions had the capacity to lead to inadvertent war between Russia and Georgia over South Ossetia.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

How do public-private partnerships (PPPs) differ from traditional public procurement and what role should governments play in them? This article views PPPs as collaborative projects with imperfect information between parties. Typical public procurement contracts tackle asymmetric information problems yet limit feasibility of projects: some are not profitable enough to ensure private party participation. Partnership improves feasibility; this justifies PPPs as a form of public good provision and demonstrates how they differ from procurement. Four UK and Russian cases of PPP projects are analyzed within the above framework, focusing on types of contracts, contributions of both partners, and specific partnership elements.  相似文献   

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