Taiwan and the Soviet Union during the Cold War

Taking into account recently published evidence on Taiwan's relations with the Soviet Union during the Cold War, this article examines the official and secret contacts between Moscow and Taipei from 1949 to 1988. It argues that despite some consideration given to a possible cooperation, Cold War hostility suited Taiwan and the Soviet Union more than collaboration. Taipei resorted to the ‘Soviet card’ in the 1970s to hinder Sino–American rapprochement, but never abandoned anti-Sovietism as the foundation of its diplomacy. The Soviet Union, for its part, prioritized normalization of relations with China and avoided rapprochement with the ROC, which could have only further strained ties with the PRC and accelerated the formation of the Sino–US united front against Moscow.     

冷战初期越共结盟政策的缘起与形成(1947—1950)

冷战初期,越南共产党试图延续其自建国以来带有中立色彩的对外政策,极力避免法越战争国际化。但在冷战向亚洲蔓延、法越战争进入僵持阶段、中国革命形势快速发展、美法关系升温等因素的作用下,越共逐步走上了结盟之路。1950年初,越共追随中共倒向以苏联为首的社会主义阵营标志着其结盟政策的形成。该政策不仅导致越共获得了足以改变战场形势的军事援助,并促成了以中国支援越南进行民族解放斗争为主要形式的中越准军事同盟。更重要的是,越共借社会主义阵营的外交承认解决了法国选择扶植保大政府所引发的政权合法性危机,这也是越共实施结盟政策的直接动因。     

从冷战敌手到合作竞争关系——中美交往60年评析

自新中国成立以来,中美两国经历了60年风雨历程,前40年处在冷战时期,后20年进入冷战后时期。冷战时期的中美两国,既有战场上兵戎相见的痛苦回忆,又有共抗苏联扩张危险实现关系正常化的历史记忆。两极格局瓦解后,中美关系却进入一个动荡不定时期,尽管不断发展,但是既合作又竞争的特点始终未变,实际是一种全球化背景下的剪不断理还乱的务实的成熟大国关系。要建立持续稳定的双边关系,缺乏足够的战略互信基础,就不可避免会遭遇波折与挑战     

核武器与冷战时期美国对苏联的政策

冷战时期,作为维护国家安全的重要工具,核武器在美国对苏联的政策中发挥了重要作用。美国政府不仅在战后初期坚持核保密政策,而且还多次利用核武器对苏联施加压力,以迫使其在政治上和外交上做出让步,并制定了一系列针对苏联的核作战计划。与此同时,为了保持对苏联的核优势地位,对苏联构成有效的威慑,美国政府不断加强核力量的建设,使得美苏之间的核军备竞赛愈演愈烈,并使双方走到了核战争的边缘,从而使得美苏决策者都认识到,限制核军备竞赛对双方至关重要,美苏关系也由此进入了相对缓和的时期。及至20世纪70年代,限制战略武器谈判成为美国对苏政策的重要内容。     

Locating the Global South in the Theorisation of the Cold War: capitalist development,social revolution and geopolitical conflict

In this article I seek to outline an alternative way of theorising the place of the ‘South’ in the understanding of the Cold War. In contrast to mainstream theories of the Cold War within International Relations that suggest a rather subordinate or background role, separate from the primary causal dynamic of the Cold War—the bilateral superpower antagonism—I put forward an argument that places the South at the centre of the Cold War. I do this by defining the Cold War as a form of global social conflict between states and social forces associated with the rival social systems of capitalism and communism. Through this I argue that the superpowers should be understood as states with specific socioeconomic properties and contradictions, reflecting forms of politics not confined to themselves alone. Consequently, the Cold War should be seen as a form of globalised social conflict between the expanding and uneven nature of capitalism and the communist revolutionary challenges to it carried through by revolutionary movements in the South. The Cold War, then, was as much about the revolutionary consequences of uneven capitalist development as it was about the bipolar relationship.     

The Cold War and Third World revolution

Much of the Cold War took place in the Third World. The three works authored by Gregg A. Brazinsky, Winning the Third World: Sino-American Rivalry During the Cold War; Jeffry James Byrne, Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, Decolonization, and the Third World Order; and Jeremy Friedman, Shadow Cold War: The Sino-Soviet Competition for the Third World, are reviewed here and they provide historical details. A consistent theme that emerges is the importance of ideological factors in driving the events are discussed. It is also clear that the Third World states were not passive objects of pressure from great powers but had agendas of their own. These books provide useful material for theorists of international relations and policy makers.     

The Arab Spring: last episode of the Cold War

Using the Regional Security Complex Theory and developing its regime-related dimension, this article analyses the involvement of external powers in Arab Spring conflicts. Libya, Syria and Bahrain are used as case studies showing that Western support for the incumbent regime or for its adversaries was not based on a choice between democracy and authoritarianism. Rather, it was motivated by a pattern of amity and enmity inherited from the Cold War period. The surprising survival of this pattern was due to the three authoritarian regimes’ inability to reform; to the ensuing preservation of their Cold War era perception in the West; and to Russia's new availability as an external patron. Consequently, the article argues that the Arab Spring can be perceived as the last, belated episode of the Cold War. However, its political consequences put an end to the last features inherited from the pre-1989 period and open a new Middle Eastern era.     

'Fortress Europe' and Third World immigration in the post-Cold War global context

This paper examines the conjuncture of economic and political developments in the world economy and demographic and environmental factors that, in the aftermath of the Cold War, have caused millions of immigrants and refugees to migrate worldwide, increasingly to the EU and North America where they are marginalised and have become, with greater frequency, victimised by right-wing political groups. Factors under study include the proliferation of civil wars and ethnic conflicts; the increase of inequalities and poverty on a world scale; the effects of neoliberal economic policies on Third World development; overpopulation, urbanisation and environmental degradation in peripheral sites of the world economy; and the impact of economic conditions in the EU on immigrant and native workers.     

Soviet deaths in the Great Patriotic War: a note

The authors attempt a synthesis of recent research in the USSR and post-Soviet Russia on Soviet mortality during World War II. They conclude that the official estimate adopted since 1990 of 26 to 27 million deaths is probably accurate, and note that most of the Soviet citizens who died were civilians.     

'The red template': Us policy in Soviet-occupied Afghanistan

'The red template' examines the policies of the United States in Soviet-occupied Afghanistan in the context of the Cold War. The available documentation tends to support the thesis of this paper: that US policy in Afghanistan, consistent with US policy elsewhere both during and after the Cold War, is geared to protect US private power and thus US access to oil. When the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan on 25 December 1979, the belief among US foreign policy-makers that the Soviet Union was finally embarking on their longtime mission of advancing upon the oil of the Persian Gulf and the warm water ports of the Arabian Sea was finally supported--a propaganda defeat for the Soviet Union. America's response--to finance and arm the most fundamental and dangerous Muslims that could be rounded up--is a decision that continues to shake the world. The possibilities of the resulting 'blowback'--in the form of well-documented terror and the not so well-known heroin trade--were ignored in the drive to support those who would struggle against Soviet-dominated communism. This paper details the cold calculus of US decision-makers and the negative effects on the people of Afghanistan and beyond. The rise of the Taliban can be directly attributed to this process and America's so-called 'War on Terrorism' is yet another harsh penalty the people of this war-ravaged country must accept at the hands of the world's sole remaining superpower.     

Imagining World War III—In 2034

In 1990, right after the Berlin Wall fell, NPQ published our Spring edition, titled “The New World Disorder,” about the nationalistic chaos and up‐in‐theair sensibility of that fraught new historical moment. Nearly a quarter of a century later, the regime of globalization that had supplanted the Cold War world of blocs is itself coming apart at the seams. Even Henry Kissinger these days says “the world order is crumbling.” Will this New World Disorder 2.0 revert to a system of conflicting blocs, as during the Cold War, or will we be mature enough to save the interdependence of plural identities that is the foundation of a new global civilization? In this section our contributors offer their perspectives on what the future holds.     

1989 and Post-Cold War Policymaking: Were the “Wrong” Lessons Learned from the Fall of Communism?

Twenty years after the events of 1989, most American academics and policymakers continue to see the end of the Cold War as a victory for the United States. This Cold War “triumphalism” is based on a number of assumptions which have, in turn, served as important framing devices for US foreign policy. This chapter argues that the “wrong lessons” were learned from the fall of communism in Central and Eastern Europe. These lessons were based on a misreading of both Cold War history, in general, and its endgame, more specifically. This chapter outlines ten such lessons and explores the ways in which they were used to legitimate policies of regime change from above after 9/11. In this way, we can see a direct line between Berlin in 1989 and Baghdad in 2003, one driven by the hubris of both US policymakers and intellectuals.     

The Early Cold War and American Political Development: Reflections on Recent Research

This paper is a review essay of three books representing new research into the relationship between Cold War mobilization and postwar American political development: Michael Hogan, A Cross of Iron: Harry S. Truman and the Origins of the National Security State, 1945–1954 (Cambridge University Press, 1998); Guy Oakes, The Imaginary War: Civil Defense and American Cold War Culture (Oxford University Press, 1994); and Peter Trubowitz, Defining the National Interest: Conflict and Change in American Foreign Policy (University of Chicago Press, 1998).     

Counting the Soviet Union’s War Dead: Still 26–27 Million

Abstract

How many Soviet citizens died because of World War II? A new estimate of the Soviet war dead is 42 million. This figure, from Russian historian Igor’ Ivlev, is at least 15 million more than the 26–27 million previously estimated by Russian demographers Andreev, Darskii and Khar’kova and widely accepted for a quarter of a century. I consider the implications of the two estimates for the Soviet demographic accounts, contrast their sources and methods, and conclude that the new figure lacks substantial foundations. On existing knowledge, the best estimate of Soviet war dead remains 26–27 million.     

Osama bin Laden and Guerrilla War

Is Osama bin Laden just an evil person or is he a thoughtful, determined adversary with a well-planned strategy? This article outlines how bin Laden, as a mujahideen fighter in the Soviet Afghanistan War, became familiar with Mao's protracted guerrilla concept, and how he later proclaimed its significance in developing his Jihad warfare strategy.     

Shifting alliances and balance of power in Asia: transitions in the Indo-Russian security ties

Although officially non-aligned during the Cold War, India remained closely aligned with the Soviet Union. After the Cold War, Indo-Russian ties have remained strong; currently the two countries share a Strategic Partnership in addition to numerous other bilateral treaties. When the United States first replaced Russia as India’s largest defence supplier, it made international headlines in security circles. Since then, there has been much speculation on the future of Indo-Russian ties. Since the essence of the Indo-Russian relationship is considered to be the large-scale military trade between the two states, the toppling of Russia as India’s premier defence provider naturally led to dismal predictions about the strength of their future ties. However, this approach discounts the various measures that both India and Russia have taken to institutionalize their friendship. By conducting a systematic analysis of the Indo-Russian bilateral treaties, this article assesses the levels of cooperation within this dyad. By using network analysis it demonstrates that the Indo-Russian relationship is cooperative rather than ad hoc, leading to deeper institutionalization that is unlikely to shift in the recent future.     

Academia and the Legitimising of International Politics: studies of democratisation and world politics

This article aims to highlight the connection between academic studies and international politics and to provide an academic justification of foreign policies with particular reference to the case of democratisation studies. It embodies a two-way relationship. On the one hand, the conjunctures of international politics influence the nature of academic studies in the discipline of Political Science; on the other hand, academic studies may sometimes be employed as sources of legitimisation of the foreign policies of states. The article discusses these connections, providing particular examples of academic studies of the democratisation process during the Cold War and the post-cold war era.     

从美苏之间到美欧俄之间——1989年后中东欧国家的外交战略与大国关系的互动

在中东欧国家由苏联"卫星国"向北约和欧盟成员的转变中,苏联、美国、北约、欧盟及俄罗斯对中东欧国家的政策及它们之间的关系起到了至关重要、有时甚至是决定性的作用。正是在美苏对峙格局崩溃,美国成为世界唯一的超级大国,美、欧、俄的博弈渐次展开但远未构成三足鼎立的情况下,中东欧国家以加入北约与欧盟为主要内容的"回归欧洲"战略得以确立和实施。中东欧国家加入北约和欧盟对美、欧、俄关系产生了一定的影响,但不会从根本上改变与美、欧、俄之间现有的关系格局。     

Cold War redux in US–Russia relations? The effects of US media framing and public opinion of the 2008 Russia–Georgia war

This paper examines the Cold War rhetoric in US–Russia relations by looking at the 2008 Russia–Georgia war as a major breaking point. We investigate the links between media, public opinion and foreign policy. In our content analysis of the coverage in two major US newspapers, we find that the framing of the conflict was anti-Russia, especially in the initial stages of the conflict. In addition, our survey results demonstrate that an increase in the media exposure of US respondents increased the likelihood of blaming Russia exclusively in the conflict. This case study helps us understand how media can be powerful in constructing a certain narrative of an international conflict, which can then affect public perceptions of other countries. We believe that the negative framing of Russia in the US media has had important implications for the already-tenuous relations between the US and Russia by reviving and perpetuating the Cold War mentality for the public as well as for foreign policymakers.     

Lev Gumilev and the European New Right

The striking affinities that have developed between radical-conservative movements in Western Europe and Russia since the end of the Cold War have been widely noted. This essay considers these affinities through the example of the Soviet historian and geographer Lev Nikolaevich Gumilev (1912–1992). It argues that Gumilev and the European New Right developed perspectives that were highly comparable, founded on similar principles, and articulated through similar images and allusions. Yet despite the powerful resonances in terms of basic concepts and theoretical orientation, there were nonetheless deep differences in terms of the conclusions regarding the practical implications for their respective societies that Gumilev and the Europeans deduced from these principles.