Rancière,religion and the political

In the past few decades, the ‘return of the religious’ has been a recurrent theme in popular and academic discourse. From debates regarding the permissibility of religious dress and symbols in the public sphere, to questions of the integration of Muslim immigrants, concerns about the rise of the Christian Right in American politics and the role of Islam in the uprisings of the Arab Spring, a great deal of attention has been accorded to the presence of religion and religious subjects in the public sphere. Such has been the importance attached to accounting for, categorizing and contending with this phenomenon that it has attracted the attention of many of the major figures in contemporary social and political thought. However, the ideas of Jacques Rancière, one of the foremost figures in contemporary political philosophy, are noticeably absent in these discussions. In this article, I take up the task of investigating how Rancière's political philosophy can be brought to bear on debates surrounding the relationship between citizenship, religion and the political. I argue that his reconceptualization of politics, democracy and political subjectivity makes apparent the limitations, and even futility of current debates between advocates of secular universalism and those of religious pluralism, and, through assisting in the critical analysis of the public presence of religion, provide an opening for the potential emergence of alternative forms of community and political subjectivity.     

The improper event: on Jacques Rancière's mannerism

In this essay I examine certain conceptual resources available in the work of Jacques Rancière for those interested in attending to the aesthetic and political complexities of democratic citizenship. I argue that the best way to broach these resources is to consider Rancière's manner of impropriety regarding the forces of unity and disunity that comprise democracy's insurgence, as well as his account of the phenomenality of democratic life and the conditions that make political subjects visible, audible and perceptual. This involves a sustained critique of the proper and the sensible as criteria for political inclusion. Democracy is thus not an institutional form of government but an event of appearance that arises out of the dissonant blur of the everyday. Rancière's insights into the insensibility of democracy's emergence, I conclude, complicate the constitutionalist solution to citizenship by raising the question of equality and emancipation as a question of how to relate to the impropriety of democratic citizenship.     

Policing Academics: The Arkhè of Transformation in Academic Ranking

This article attempts a properly critical and political analysis of the “police power” immanent to the form and logic of academic rankings, and which is reproduced in the extant academic literature generated around them. In contrast to the democratising claims made of rankings, this police power short-circuits the moment of democratic politics and establishes the basis for the oligarchic power of the State and its status quo. Central in this founding political moment is the notion of the Arkhè, a necessarily asymmetric “distribution of the sensible” that establishes the basis of the political order, in this case an oligarchic political order. Drawing on Foucault and Rancière, the article argues for a necessary “dissensus” with both the ranking practice and its attendant academic literature, as the first step towards a politics of ranking that is properly critical, and therefore genuinely political.     

If You’re a Critical Theorist,How Come You Work for a University?

How can we deal with the apparent contradiction between the normative ideals of critical theory and the practice of the current university system? To answer this question, I consult three classical criticisms of the university system: At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the French educator Joseph Jacotot formulated a pedagogical critique of the disciplinary effects of the educational system; at the beginning of the twentieth century, German historian Franz Rosenzweig articulated an ethical critique of the hegemonic educational system’s distance from life; and at the beginning of the twentyfirst century, British feminist Sara Ahmed proposed a political critique of the oppressing functions of academic institutions. Taken together, these critiques can serve as an orientation for critical intellectual practice even within the academic system. Finally, I try to describe the relation between critical theory and the university thus evolving by utilising Stefano Harney’s and Fred Moten’s concept of the “undercommons”.     

‘Event,politics, and space: Rancière or Badiou’?

This paper takes a critical view of Rancière’s ideas on politics, subjectivity, and space by building on the criticisms offered by Alain Badiou in a series of critical exchanges between the two authors. The first part of the paper reviews the main points of difference between them, which centre around their different interpretations of what constitutes a political event, subjectivity, and the nature of radical politics. Later sections then develop these differences with respect to further issues concerning the nature of political spaces, the pre-evental, and political organization.     

Governance within public–private partnerships and the politics of urban development

Public-private partnerships are the preferred vehicles for the planning, financing and implementation of contemporary urban development. Scholarship on public-private partnerships tends to examine their activities in advancing development. Less attention is accorded to their internal dynamics or governance. While partnerships are intended to build internal consensus and obtain consent in order to carry out urban development, this premise assumes that coordinated public and private interests are in play. This paper examines the internal governance of two public-private partnerships in Rochester, New along three dimensions: conformity to a collective purpose or vision, leadership structure and organizational style.     

新马克思主义空间批判范式及当代意义

20世纪60年代末兴起的新马克思主义城市学派,以资本主义生产方式分析为主要入口,探讨“空间的生产”在资本主义体系形成和发展中的重要意义。其贡献不仅在于从政治哲学视角揭露当代资本主义的空间政治经济矛盾,把社会关系再生产的故事完整地叙述出来,从而完成了对资本“空间生产”的价值批判;更在于其坚持了解放政治的宏大目标——通过揭示人类社会变迁的空间路径,寻求重新定位“乌托邦想象”的可能性。这种历史唯物主义的空间化努力使马克思主义在新的时代条件下焕发出新的活力,为我们寻求马克思主义政治哲学的“当代出场路径”提供了一种理论启示。     

基于空间治理视角的城市贫困研究综述

相较于农村贫困,城市贫困是一种在空间上集聚的相对贫困,明晰它的空间特征、演变规律及影响因素等对于城市贫困的精准治理有着重要作用。为此,应用Citespace科学文献可视化工具,对Web of Science数据库中1052篇城市贫困主题的英文文献(1995—2019年)和中国知网(CNKI)数据库中2912篇相关中文文献(1981—2019年)进行分析,可从空间视角总结国内外城市贫困的研究现状及研究热点。结果表明:研究趋势上,国外对于城市贫困研究的关注度总体呈现上升趋势,而国内城市贫困的研究起步较晚、增长幅度较大,但在关注度上出现倒U型结构;概念上,从空间视角定义城市贫困多是认为居住区内的人们遭受了不同类型的"剥夺";研究内容上,城市贫困空间的测量与识别、时空动态变化、影响因素分析及大数据的应用等是国内外城市贫困的研究热点;贫困空间的演变及成因上,受居住、种族和阶级隔离等多种经济文化因素的综合影响,国外的城市贫困呈现由内及外的郊区化现象,而国内城市贫困空间演化较为复杂多变。     

深化规范“三项改革” 努力构建高铁时代警务实战机制

实施"三项改革"是构建高铁时代警务实战机制、提升铁路公安警务实战效能的重要途径。通过强力推进列车"巡乘制"改革、因地制宜开展线路"居家式"改革、积极探索大客站"一警多能、综合执法"改革,取得了警务效能提升、治安管控有力和民警接受认同的实际效果,为构建高铁时代警务实战机制提供了基本动力。深化规范"三项改革",要更加注重理念创新、基础夯实和系统效应,以全面带动警务实战机制改革。