Socialist Serbia's Narratives: From Yugoslavia to a Greater Serbia

The essay surveys various attempts of Serbian intellectual and political elites to define Serbian national goals in relation to a socialist Yugoslavia. I suggest that even though rhetorical devices and policies applied throughout the entire socialist period have appeared to be the same (e.g., that all Serbs should live in one state), different contexts in each of the subperiods of socialist Serbia and Yugoslavia yielded entirely different results (e.g., in favor of Yugoslavia, or in favor of a Greater Serbia). In the paper, I identify four distinct, yet interrelated, Serbian national discourses: conservative–socialist, socialist–reformist, national–liberal, and xenophobic nationalist. They are evaluated in relation to official Yugoslavism in the early 1960s and Serbian reformist policy of civic nationalism in the late 1960s to early 1970s, debates over the 1974 Constitution, and, finally, Serbian intellectual and political responses to the Yugoslav political crisis in the late 1980s to early 1990s. These moments have been chosen because of their particular relevance for understanding the mutations of Serbian national discourse in the former Yugoslavia.     

Creating Better Employees through Positive Leadership Behavior in the Public Sector

This paper advances the notion that leaders’ behavior in public organizations impacts employee emotions and workplace functioning. The paper proposes a conceptual model showing the impact that specific leader behaviors have on employee momentary emotions and thereby subjective well-being, organizational citizenship behavior, and job performance. Findings from research on leader behaviors and follower outcomes in private organizations and workplace emotions are used to show the importance of understanding and promoting types of leader behaviors that enhance employee and organizational outcomes within public institutions. It is expected that this model will facilitate future research in this area.     

Islamic Terrorism and the Question of National Liberation,or Problems of Contemporary Chechen Terrorism

Scholars have analyzed various causes of contemporary Chechen terrorism in Russia and have offered multiple explanations as to why this terrorism persists. Most commonly, these scholars accuse Russia of suppressing a Muslim struggle for national liberation in Chechnya because of Russia's own interests in Chechen territory or its lucrative oil resources. This work analyzes various instances of Chechen terrorism, 1991–2002, to conclude that the dynamics of terrorism do not support the claims of various scholars, journalists, and Chechen terrorists that Chechen rebels are fighting a war of independence and that the Russian government's failure “to let Chechnya go” instigates future acts of terrorism.     

冷战后越南共产党对社会主义道路的新探索

冷战结束以来,越南共产党坚持社会主义信念不动摇,坚持走社会主义道路;不断加强党的建设,增强党的凝聚力、战斗力;积极融入国际社会,推行全方位的外交;实行社会主义定向的市场经济,促进本国经济的发展。总的看来,在越南共产党的领导下,越南经受住了苏东剧变的考验,并且稳步发展,逐渐成为发展中国家现代化建设的又一成功典范。     

日本共产党第28次全国代表大会述评

日本共产党第28次全国代表大会在分析世界政治新格局和日本国内政治经济新形势基础上,进一步明确了实现“在野党联合政权”和“党势跃进”这一“双重目标”的具体策略,提出了加强党的建设的新举措。大会主要议程有:修订党纲;把党的建设作为单独决议进行提案;如何巩固和发展在野党统一战线。大会制定的新政策是日本共产党迎接建党100周年的方向性、纲领性文献,对其下一步工作具有重要指导意义,为我们研判其未来发展动向提供了依据。     

民族解放还是恐怖主义?--当代车臣恐怖主义问题研究

长期以来,对于车臣恐怖主义的原因众说纷纭.该文根据所掌握的资料,将1991年至2002年车臣恐怖分子的恐怖活动列制成表并从时间、地点以及类型三个方面对车臣恐怖主义进行了动态分析,由此对所谓车臣叛军在为独立而战以及俄罗斯政府的车臣政策是恐怖主义产生的原因等说法给予了驳斥.     

专访意大利重建共产党全国书记费雷罗

记者：意大利重建共产党于1991年成立．第二年就应中国共产党的邀请访问了中国．您如何评价两党关系的现状？对进一步发展两党之间的交流与合作有何设想？     

中国共产党国家利益观的发展演变

国家利益观是对于国家利益的内容及其重要程度、价值体现、实现途径等方面的根本认知。纵观中国共产党90年的历史,中国共产党人对国家利益及其实现方式的认知有一个从模糊、隐晦到明确、清晰,从简单到复杂的过程。在此过程中,如何正确处理国家利益与意识形态的关系,一直都是中国共产党国家利益观的重要方面。本文根据中国共产党对中国国家利益的内容及所要实现目标的认知、对价值体现的判断,以及所采取的实现手段的不同,对中国共产党国家利益观的发展演变分阶段进行了梳理,认为中国共产党的国家利益观具有内向性、去意识形态化和和平性三个趋向性特点。     

Institutionalized Governance: The Case of the National College for School Leadership

The article is based on data from the Knowledge Production and Educational Leadership Project (funded by the UK Economic and Social Research Council RES‐000-23-1192) where we investigated the relationship between the state and public policy and knowledge in England during the New Labor governments from 1997. The relationship between the state and civil society is one of institutionalized governance where the public institution in the form of the national ministry and the establishment of Non-Departmental Public Bodies remain important in policymaking but is increasingly inter dependent with networks of advisors and private consultants who “enter” government as policy designers and deliverers. We intend to develop this through using the National College for School Leadership as a case study based on primary documentation and interview data.     

古共“六大”：承前启后 继往开来

举世瞩目的古巴共产党第六次代表大会于2011年4月16—19日成功举行,这是古共自1997年＂五大＂召开14年之后首次举行代表大会。＂六大＂通过了《党和革命的经济和社会政策的纲要》,这一纲领性文件将在今后5年甚至更长时间里指导古巴实现经济和社会模式的＂更新＂。     

葡萄牙共产党十七大亲历记

11月底的南部欧洲已进入了初冬,但2004年11月26日这一天,葡萄牙阿尔马达市却阳光明媚,到处是绿色的常青植物,空气中充满着洋洋暖意.在喷水池和茵草环绕的市体育馆,歌声嘹亮、红旗招展,胸佩红色镰刀斧头证件的代表们从全国各地涌来,出席在这里举行的葡萄牙共产党第十七次全国代表大会.我作为中共代表、中共中央候补委员、安徽省委副书记王明方同志的随员,亲眼目睹了这一葡共历史上的盛会.     

Presidential Leadership in a Fractured State: Capacity,Autonomy, and the American State

Abstract

This paper sets out a conceptual framework for studying the conditions under which presidential leadership in the United States can be thought of as autonomous. Unlike others, who view executive institutions as reflections of conflicts between dominant societal forces, I examine the case of the American presidency and focus on organizational–institutional considerations. Specifically, I focus on the process of institutionalization as a means of building capacity, which I argue, in contrast to others, is a necessary condition for autonomy. Additionally, Iargue that work on the presidency, and the American state in general, suffers from a level of analysis problem, which obscures opportunities for identifying and analyzing autonomous presidential leadership. I conclude with thoughts for a research agenda.