Politische Redekultur in der Vormoderne. Die Oratorik europäischer Parlamente in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit

SUMMARY

Procedural delaying tactics (Obstruktion), including filibustering, have been used by parliamentary minorities overwhelmed by large majorities supporting a government. English in origin, they were widespread in Europe by the turn to the twentieth century as a consequence of liberal interpretations of the right to freedom of speech. Apart from England and the United States, the practice was especially prevalent in Austria and Hungary. Barna Mezey examines this issue in Hungary from 1846 until 1939, reviewing the historical, constitutional and legal aspects of obstructive measures and the steps taken against them within a comparative context. The Hungarian manifestation may be divided into simple obstruction (filibustering for several hours per speaker, days for the whole operation), technical (procedural delays, for which frequent lengthy votes were needed), and violent forms such as shouting and the throwing of objects. Only in the last case did Hungarian Speakers not hesitate to take countermeasures, including summoning the police.

After the Dual Monarchy was established, the minority in the Hungarian parliament claimed that its blocking actions were justified as the Compromise of 1867 led the government of Austro-Hungary to pursue policies not in the national interest. The Hungarian parliament was divided between those favouring the dynasty's attempt to create a more unified kingdom and those adhering to the principles of 1848. The latter were deprived of the chance of ever achieving office by the powers granted to the monarch in the Compromise. They felt driven to employ delaying tactics in an organized manner from 1872 onwards, when a proposed change in voting criteria would have greatly restricted the franchise. Another major conflict from 1896 was over measures to reduce the influence of the Church on marriage and to widen freedom of religion, including that for the Jews. An attempt to impose more discipline on debates in 1904 led the opposition to destroy all the furnishings of the debating chamber and precipitated the fall of the government. In 1912 the Speaker, acting for the government, used the police to remove the opposition from the chamber and push through a law introducing a two-year term for military service and other army reforms. Legislation at that time also prohibited procedural delaying measures, and in 1928 severe restrictions were placed on filibustering. The author also analyses the debate at the time among legal experts over the validity of these tactics, at the heart of which lay disagreements on the nature and limits of freedom of speech.     

Gewalt in Ordnungskonflikten als Problem der erklärenden Soziologie

The article argues that the uprisings during the Arab Spring as well as the riots in either the banlieues of French cities or in London have to be considered as violent conflicts that pose a serious threat to the social orders in which they emerge. These different kinds of social resistance have in common that they communicate more or less developed alternative conceptions of social orders that challenge what has been considered legitimate so far. Until now, sociology has neither successfully explained such kinds of conflicts nor the way they are triggered. Therefore, the article discusses crucial problems of a sociology of violence, i.e. violence as term and concept, theoretical and methodological deficits and, finally, assumptions about the role of violence in conflict-ridden processes of modernization and civilization in general. The article argues that a sociology of violence should concentrate on the nexus of social order and violence in order to explain how and why violent conflicts emerge in specific social contexts. Thus, a sociology of violence should take an effort to reconstruct the crucial social mechanisms that underlie the dynamics of emerging violence in processes of production and reproduction of social order.     

Auf dem Weg in eine europäische Gesellschaft?

After half a century of European integration it is legitimate to ask if, how and in how far a ?European society“ has emerged. But how is this difficult notion to be conceptualized? What is European, what denotes society? Following the distinction of unity and difference, this article sets out to discuss the analytical options of the perspective of unity (the model of the nation state, the United States of Europe, a reality sui generis) and of difference (the ?other“ of Europe by comparing Europe to the regions of the world). According to the main thesis, European society denotes a reality sui generis, i.e., is an emergent phenomenon which can neither be conceptualized by the old model of the nation state nor the new notion of world society. European society should be characterized according to its leitmotif of structured diversity, its cultural and historical legacies, its logic of institutional separation and differentiation and its common basic institutional infrastructure. European society, therefore, rests upon a shared historical community of fate and exhibits a multiple unity of economy, work, education, solidarity, law, religion and culture. The engine of Europeanization is the European Union which together with nation states and regions fosters a veritable pressure of convergence upon the European space. Given its taken-for-granted character, the European society is half latent, half manifest, half empirically traceable and analytically conceivable, half normatively desirable or controversial.     

Von Westfalen nach Kosmopolis? Die Problematik kultureller Identität in der europäischen Politik

?Westfälisch“ inspirierte Analysen des europäischen Integrationsprozesses behaupten, dass kulturelle Heterogenität die Bildung eines gemeinsamen politischen Willens der Europäer verhindert. Demgegenüber leitet sich für ?kosmopolitische Demokraten“ der normative Reiz der EU gerade aus der Notwendigkeit ab, eine politische Gemeinschaft neuen Typs zu konstituieren, die historisch erstmals tatsächlich rein ?zivile“ Wurzeln hat. In Abgrenzung zu diesen Positionen geht der folgende Beitrag davon aus, dass die Regulierung des kulturellen Pluralismus auf europäischer Ebene von den Widersprüchen gekennzeichnet ist, die der institutionellen Entwicklung der EU generell zugrunde liegen: Während das intergouvernementale Prinzip die Rolle der Nationalstaaten hervorhebt und dem Schutz der entsprechenden ?Nationalkulturen“ einen hohen Stellenwert beimisst, eröffnet der europäische Transnationalimus auf der anderen Seite jedoch auch Möglichkeiten für die Artikulation kultureller Identitäten unterhalb und jenseits der Nationalstaaten und trägt damit in gewissem Umfang zu einer ?enationalisierung“ politischer Kulturen bei. Am Beispiel der Sprachpolitik lässt sich diese Situation gut illustrieren. Im Schlussteil befasst sich der Beitrag mit dem Potenzial des Subsidiaritätsprinzips für ein ?reflexives Identitätsmanagement“ in der EU.     

Ost und West, Nord und Süd: Zur räumlichen Verteilung und theoretischen Erklärung der Gewaltkriminalität in Deutschland

The research reported here follows up on the long-standing discussion concerning the regional distribution of violent crime in Germany. It focuses on assault and robbery rates reported by the official German crime statistics for the years 2005–2007 in each of the 413 communal districts (“Kreise”). The discussions commonly contrast the eastern region (till 1990 the territory of the communist ruled “German Democratic Republic”) with the northern and the southern region of the (now) western part of the “Federal Republic of Germany”. It becomes obvious, however, that crime rates vary much more within than between these regions. More than half of the overall variation can be explained by two composite measures of relative deprivation and the level of urbanization. A number of additional variables have been tested for their explanatory power, including a newly constructed measure of disintegrative individualism. It successfully identifies a specific criminogenic potential associated with certain structural elements of a developing “knowledge society” and the rapid expansion of higher education. Apart from ordinary regression analyses various techniques of spatial data analysis have also been applied.     

Geordnete Verhältnisse? Vielfalt und Einheit relationalen Denkens in der Soziologie

The concept of relationality has become a fixture in current sociological discussions. At the same time, we are confronted with an uncharted terrain of differing views on what ?relational sociology“ exactly means. Against this background, this article aims to provide insights into relational sociology’s diversity and unity, thereby contributing to a systematic understanding of its fundamental principles. To this end, the paper first reviews the most important sociological traditions and lines of thought relevant for this debate. In a second step, the variety of motives and arguments identified in this process are sorted in order to propose a scheme that distinguishes between four dimensions of relational sociology: 1) ontology-epistemology, 2) social theory, 3) theory of society, and 4) research practice. Finally, in the last section of the paper, the differences and similarities of the respective approaches serve as a basis for the reconstruction of ideal types of relational thinking.     

Unterscheidung und Härtung. Bewertungs- und Notenkommunikation in Lehrerzimmer und Zeugniskonferenz

In schools humans are classified and categorized by other humans through the assessment of their actions and documents they produce there. This practice of differentiation essentially relies on contingent teacher judgements that are aggregated into marks, end-of-year reports or school graduation certificates. The article explores the formal and informal situations of teachers talking about their students and classes and making decisions about their school reports. While teachers share their judgements on pupils in informal staff-room conversations, the thereby generated knowledge does not necessarily result in social consequences. It does, though, in formal gatherings such as report conferences, where the judgements are ratified and fixated. The judgement of an individual teacher is hereby transformed into a grade given by the school. By analytically characterizing these social and numeric-administrative objectifications the article shows how judgements on pupils are kept reversible and simultaneously become solidified during the school year.     

Die Organisation von Wertzuschreibungen: Zur Bedeutung von Drittparteien für die Signalisierung moralischer Qualitäten in Märkten

Moral qualities of food are usually communicated through labels. Such quality signalling serves to increase the value of a given product. However, the signalled qualities are uncertain and presume a significant degree of trust. The article examines how moral qualities are developed procedurally and analyses the advanced landscape of labelling in Swiss retail trade. It is shown that the construction of moral qualities is based on the involvement of various third parties. These include (1) charitable organizations which are responsible for defining the different quality standards, (2) competing profit-oriented certification organizations which attest conformity with their respective standards, as well as (3) public authorities which accredit the certification organizations and thereby provide them with legitimacy. The article shows that the interplay of third parties conceals the uncertainty of valorized products and reveals that values based on moral quality standards are developed in the valuation processes upstream of the actual market transaction.     

On the Electoral Relevance of Education Policy in the German Länder

Education policy in Germany experienced a boom throughout the 2000s. Numerous reforms were implemented, quite far-reaching shifts of party programmes occurred, and the scope of institutions with an educational mandate widened considerably. At the same time, Landtag elections came to be seen as less dominated by federal politics. Yet we still know little about education policy's electoral relevance. The present article, following a most-likely design, analyses those five Landtag elections that were held since the reform of federalism in 2006 for which the importance of education policy ought to have been highest. It turns out that even though education is one of the very few policies which the Länder can decide upon autonomously, and despite the recent upsurge of regional factors in determining the outcomes of such second-order elections, nearly all Landtag elections are won or lost on other battlefields.     

The Prospects of the FDP in Comparative Perspective: Rest in Peace or Totgesagte leben länger?

This article examines the conditions under which political parties that have dropped below the threshold of legislative representation later re-enter parliament. To do so, it compares two German parties that did not return to the Bundestag and two that did. In light of the ‘lessons' of previous cases in the Federal Republic, the essay considers the prospects of the Free Democratic Party (FDP) in the wake of its 2013 federal election defeat.     

Europäische multiple Modernität als interzivilisatorische Konstellation

In interdisciplinary and sociological research on Europe, Euro-centric modernization premises are still dominant, i.e, the explanation of the European multi-level regime on the basis of transnational spill-over mechanisms originating from modernizing national societies in Europe. In contrast, this article will outline an inter-civilizational multiple modernities approach to Europe, based on the work of Shmuel Eisenstadt. Such an approach needs to focus on: 1. the multiplicity of modernization trajectories and modernities, particularly in view of the transformation processes in postcommunist Central and Eastern Europe; 2. the international and inter-civilizational relations and encounters between European and non-European civilizational complexes; and 3. the global role of Europe and the global impact on Europe in a globalizing world. Only in considering such an inter-civilizational and global context is it possible to adequately conceptualize, analyze and explain the dynamics of the European integration and enlargement process.     

Bemerkungen zur reform des Reichsjustizwesens in der Zweiten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts

Summary

Voltaire and the ‘Glorious Revolution’ of 1688

From the start of his career Voltaire was pro‐English. Britain was for him the country of a ‘sage liberté’ which was the beneficial result of the civil wars. His contacts with the British community in Paris and the exiled Lord Bolingbroke help explain why he sought refuge in London after his imprisonment and his subsequent passion for English institutions. Voltaire's view of institutions was not always very accurate; he only saw the positive side and, intentionally or not, concealed a great deal. The religious foundation of the English character escaped him, as did the agrarian problems. For him the regime of 1689 constituted a constitutional ideal; the balance it achieved was a perfection to whose defects he was blind.

Voltaire had always been split between his admiration for the English system and his respect for the ‘enlightened’ work of Frederick the Great and Catherine Il. He inclined, especially towards the end of his life, towards England. He was one of the originators of a current, still very much alive in France, of an anglophilia of the left’. But the undeniable weakness in Voltaire's thought was his failure ever to ask how far the representative government he so admired was capable of being practised by the French.     

Eliminatorische ethnische Säuberungen: Eine makrosoziologische Erklärung

Der vorliegende Aufsatz entwickelt eine makrosoziologische Strategie zur Erklärung eliminatiorischer ethnischer Säuberungen. In einem ersten Schritt wird gezeigt, dass Ansätze, die den Staat oder eine schwache Zivilgesellschaft als zentralen Erklärungsfaktor heranziehen, der historischen Vielfalt und Komplexität der zu erklärenden Ereignisse nicht gerecht werden. Vielmehr ist eine präzise Analyse politischer Akteure und Akteurskonstellationen erforderlich. In einem zweiten Schritt wird in der Form einer Typologie das theoretische Möglichkeitsfeld politischer Konstellationen ethnischer Gruppen abgesteckt, wobei Multikulturalismus und Genozid die Extrempole der Typologie markieren. Im dritten und umfangreichsten Teil des Aufsatzes wird schließlich in Form einer fünfstufigen weltgeschichtlichen Periodisierung eine historisch-vergleichende Strategie zur Erklärung ethnischer Säuberungsprozesse skizziert. Dabei wird deutlich, wie die Faktoren Sprache, Religion und Territorialität (Provinz) bei der politischen Formierung konkreter ethnischer Akteurskonstellationen so zusammenwirken, dass das gesamte zuvor entwickelte typisierende Möglichkeitsfeld historisch abgedeckt wird.     

Theoretische Überlegungen zur Entstehung von Gewalt in Protesten: Eine situative mechanismische Erklärung

This paper connects recent findings in sociology, criminology, social psychology and neurosciences to develop a mechanism-based explanation of the emergence of protest violence. The theoretical considerations connect Charles Tilly’s and Sidney Tarrow’s relational sociology with Randall Collins’ emotions-based micro-sociology of violent confrontations and Herbert Blumer’s symbolic interactionism. The goal is to contribute to the development of a mid-range theory that can explain the emergence of violence in generally peaceful protests conclusively and that is empirically verifiable. The paper assumes that instead of protesters’ or police officers’ motivations and strategies, three situational factors are crucial for the emergence of violence in protests: interaction, emotion and interpretation during the protest event. Due to actors’ situational interpretation specific combinations of interactions form relational processes that trigger emotional mechanism of “tension and fear”, as conceptualized by Collins. Together with “emotional dominance” during the protest, tension and fear forms the emotional process of “attacking the weak” and thereby prompts violence even in protests of generally peaceful protest groups.     

„…den Dämon finden, der seines Lebens Fäden hält.“ Theoretische Beiträge zur Funktionslogik von Lebensführung

Mitteilungen und Berichte

     

Opportunitätsstrukturen und Lebenschancen

The article discusses the development, meaning and theoretical context of both Robert Merton’s concept of “opportunity structure” and the concept of “life-chances” that he took up from Max Weber. In order to analyze crucial social conflicts, I argue that both concepts should follow along the lines of conflict theory. While they converge in terms of meaning, we need different theoretical strategies to make their analytical and explanatory power explicit. First, a reinterpretation of the concept of opportunity structure shows that social actors might reduce others’ access to options while realizing their own aims; second, life-chances should be put again in a Weberian perspective for two reasons. On the one hand Weber already conceptualizes them in the context of social struggles, on the other hand he shows that the mechanism of social closure helps to understand how people exclude others from life-chances by monopolizing resources.     

Die Osterweiterung der Europäischen Union und die Bedeutung kollektiver Identitäten

Auf der Grundlage eines historisch-soziologischen Ansatzes stellt dieser Beitrag eine Analyse der Osterweiterung der Europäischen Union und der darin eingebetteten kollektiven Identitäten in einem west- und osteuropäischen Vergleich vor. Er geht grundsätzlich davon aus, dass der Prozess der Osterweiterung im Kontext der Rekonstitution der europäischen Zivilisation als einer Rekonstruktion ihrer historischstrukturellen: sozioökonomischen, politischen wie kulturellen Ungleichheitsmatrix analysiert werden muss. Für den Prozess der Osterweiterung, seine Grundlagen, Sequenzen und zukünftige Entwicklungsrichtung spielen dabei vor allem auch die kollektiven Identitäten und ihr wechselseitiger Bezug auf der west- wie osteuropäischen Seite eine zentrale Rolle. Auf der westlichen Seite zeigt die vergleichende Analyse Frankreichs, Deutschlands, Großbritanniens und Schwedens gegenüber Osteuropa eine grundsätzlich westlich-zivilisierende, allerdings je nach Struktur der nationalen Identitäten und politischen Kulturen unterschiedliche Ausrichtung auf. Auf der östlichen Seite zeigt sich dagegen im Vergleich zwischen Polen, Tschechien, Ungarn und Russland eine ebenfalls je nach Struktur der nationalen Identität unterschiedliche, aber ambivalente: imitative wie defensive Orientierung auf Westeuropa. Diese kulturelle Ungleichzeitigkeit zwischen West- und Osteuropa wird — so die Grundthese — eine entscheidende Rolle in dem faktischen Verlauf der Osterweiterung der Europäischen Union spielen.     

Formen politischen Handelns der kleve‐märkischen Landstände 1640–1660

Summary

Affected by the political influences from America and France, Poland's constitution of 1791 revised the electoral ordinance for the gentry, modified the administration of the cities and gave them representation in the Seym, and finally instituted a hereditary monarchy with checks and balances between the branches of government. The opposition of domestic conservatives, aided by armed foreign intervention, secured the repeal of this constitution in 1793. The result was a national insurrection in 1794 the defeat of which led to the final partition of Poland. Napoleon's 1807 Prussian campaign led to the creation of the Duchy of Warsaw, whose constitution was based on French egalitarian ideas and whose civil law was the Code Napoleon. The constitution separated executive and legislative functions and placed constitutional matters in the hands of the executive. In 1815 the Poles secured from tsar Alexander I the establishment of a hereditary constitutional monarchy with an appointed senate, an elected Seym and an extensive Bill of Rights. The system eventually failed when tsar Nicholas I violated the constitution and public dissatisfaction with the conduct of his brother, Constantine, precipitated the revolution of 1830.     

Sigitas Geda: Metaphorizität als Prinzip der Textkohärenz im Poem Strazdas

Abstract

This study focuses on the cycle of poems “Strazdas”, written by the Lithuanian poet Geda (1945–1992). It shows how the understanding of the reader changes with every verse. In the centre of the analysis we find the word strazdas. On the one hand, it is the name of a Lithuanian romantic poet, on the other it means thrush. Both the poet and the bird are keys to understanding these poems. The study shows the interdependence of these lines of interpretation and connects them with a third line: Lithuania. The interpretation lines are founded on semantic and syntactic analysis, using Nekvapils' concept of compounded formations.

Die sprachliche Form ist erhaben und vermeidet das Gewöhnliche <tt>o idiotikon</tt>, wenn sie fremdartige Ausdrücke <box>enikoi</box>verwendet. … Doch wenn jemand nur derartige Wörter verwenden wollte, dann wäre das Ergebnis entweder ein Rätsel {ainigma} oder ein Barbarismus <b>arbarismos</b>: wenn das Erzeugnis aus Metaphern besteht, ein Rätsel, wenn es aus Glossen besteht, ein Barabarismus. Denn das Wesen des Rätsels besteht darin, unvereinbare Wörter miteinander zu verknüpfen und hiermit gleichwohl etwas wirklich Vorhandenes zu bezeichnen.