首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 156 毫秒
1.
A precise method for evaluating election schemes   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
A previously published paper evaluated election schemes under a wide variety of election circumstances. This paper improves upon the previous work by refining the measures used to rate the election schemes and increasing the statistical significance of those ratings. With these modifications, we can now draw some new conclusions:
  1. In general circumstances, the Borda System outperforms the Copeland System which outperforms Approval which outperforms Majority Rule.
  2. The Maximin Rule — strongly supported by Rawls's — turns out to be a reasonable election rule if the number of election alternatives is large relative to the number of voters.
  3. With two exceptions, all our election systems performed quite well given a society with highly correlated utilities.
  4. Given a polarized society, a serial dictatorship was better than every other election system except Borda.
Perhaps even more importantly, we now have the possibility of conducting some cost/benefit analyses of different proposals for electoral changes.  相似文献   

2.
Health planning theory has failed to operationalize the concept of rationality into terms useful for theory building. The concept of rationality has also generally not been translated into a useful tool for the health planning practitioner. In order to decrease the mystique associated with rationality and to aid in refinement of the concept, four attributes of health planning rationality are proposed:
  1. Health planning rationality is “bounded” due to the magnitude of problems and man's limited problem-solving abilities;
  2. Health planning rationality has multiple dimensions (technical, social, legal, political and economic);
  3. The multiple dimensions of health planning rationality interact as complements and substitutes; and
  4. Health planning rationality may be conceived of as the exposure of problems to cognitive processes.
  相似文献   

3.
The dominant model for analyzing the relationship between energy and social change, the “technology assessment” model, is criticized for being technologically deterministic, over-ambitious and insensitive to the political and social context of technology development. Three “lessons from history” are offered:
  1. A multiplicity of disciplines, world views and explanatory factors are required to fully understand the relationship between technology and social change.
  2. The lack of historical understanding and explicative theory in this field call for modesty in attempts to quantify and predict social impacts.
  3. More emphasis should be placed on developing an understanding of the process by which technology is developed and diffused through society.
  相似文献   

4.
This essay measures and analyzes for a special class of point-voting schemes (the Borda method, plurality rule and the unrestricted point-voting scheme) sensitivity to preference variation (a simple change in the socially winning alternative resulting from alteration of a single voter's preferences) and vulnerability to individual strategic manipulation (a change in the winning alternative that benefits the voter whose preferences are altered). Assuming that society (n voters with linear preference orders on a finite set of m alternatives) satisfies the impartial-culture assumption, that is, each randomly selected voter is equally likely to hold any one of the randomly picked possible preference orders on the alternatives, we demonstrate:
  1. for a given rule and a fixed number of voters, the sensitivity to individual preference variation and the vulnerability to individual strategic manipulation are greater, the larger the total number of alternatives.
  2. For a given rule and a fixed number of alternatives, the vulnerability to individual strategic manipulation, in general, is not greater the smaller the total number of voters. Such a relationship does hold, however, if n is sufficiently large.
  3. For any given combination of number of voters and number of alternatives, the unrestricted point-voting scheme is more sensitive to preference variation than the Borda method, which, in turn, is more exposed to such variation relative to the plurality rule. A similar conclusion does not hold with respect to vulnerability to individual strategic manipulation, unless the number of voters is sufficiently small.
  相似文献   

5.
This article addresses an enduring public management question: “Is organizational functioning a product of politics, management, or both?” It speaks to this issue by analyzing the decisional dynamics of the world's most inclusive, and prominent international organization: the United Nations. To assess the ability of international organizations to develop and implement international public policy, this study draws upon an extensive literature in organization theory to develop four models of multilateral decision making:
  • •⊎ A Cognitive Ambiguity Model;
  • •⊎ A Bounded Pragmatism Model;
  • •⊎ An Organizational Expansion Model; and
  • •⊎ A Political Interests Model.
In considering the obstacles to effective policy, this study asks whether policy is porduced by intellectual confusion, routine-based decision making, bureaucratic ego, or base political motives. This project closes by arguing for broad approaches to the politics/management continuum, and an integration of the four models. Only by weaving and practitioners distinct strands of organization theory, can scholars and practitioners fully appreciate the intellectual and political dynamics of publicly managed organizations, and thus, the aids and onstacles to their functioning.  相似文献   

6.
This paper will address these two questions:
  1. 1
    Can the US be meaningfully seen as an empire in the ways it has behaved since entering the world stage as a central player after World War II?
     
  2. 2
    If it is an empire, how has this affected the quality of its democratic life and institutions? One central hypothesis connects both explorations. It can be formulated as follows: if there is a logic to the life of empires that one might call the imperial imperative—a logic according to which the pursuit of hegemonic control to the far periphery of empire calls for ever greater concentration of power at the center—the US too will show the effects of this logic. In spite of its creed of democracy and republicanism the US, acting as an empire, cannot escape this imperial imperative. An obvious test case is offered by the two recent presidencies of George W. Bush and of Barack Hussein Obama. Although the latter presented himself as the anti-Bush, opposing all transgressions of constitutional constraints that his predecessor had stood for, and promising to take America back to its first republican principles, the imperial imperative, according to our hypothesis, would prevent Obama from pursuing such a course.
     
  相似文献   

7.
Organizational image, identity, and identification are powerful concepts in terms of understanding members’ behaviors and beliefs. In particular, the term “image” has frequently been used to describe the overall impression of the organization, but most scholars have only focused on organizational image as it is perceived by external audiences. However, organizational image as perceived by members within an organization is critical for determining its impact on individual employees’ motivation, work behaviors, and further performance at work. This article explores the roles of organizational image and identification in explaining organizational behaviors—extra‐role behavior and absenteeism—in public and nonprofit organizations. A series of seemingly unrelated regressions were used to analyze survey data from 1,220 respondents. Results show that organizational image is positively related to employee identification, and identification has a significant influence on promoting extra‐role behavior and lowering employee absenteeism.

Practitioner Points

  • Organizational image as perceived by members of an organization is an aggregate of individual employees’ perceptions of the organization based on their own experiences and judgments (perceived organizational identity) and outsiders’ judgments about the organization (construed external image).
  • Both perceived organizational identity and construed external image influence the extent to which employees are likely to identify themselves as part of their organization.
  • The higher an employee's level of identification, the more he or she is likely to engage in extra‐role behavior.
  • Managing organizational image and identification in a positive way can significantly reduce costly voluntary employee absences, which are reasonably avoidable absences.
  相似文献   

8.
《Race & Society》1998,1(1):5-14
Despite its repudiation of scientific racism, the liberal paradigm on race had two fateful flaws:
  • 1.1) it conceptualized racism in terms of attitudes rather than conditions, and
  • 2.2) it failed to specify what elements of “environment” accounted for persistent racial inequalities. The result has been another victim-blaming paradigm that merely substituted culture for genes, deflecting attention away from the crucial role that political and economic institutions play in the production and reproduction of racial inequality.
  相似文献   

9.
Michael Reksulak 《Public Choice》2010,142(3-4):423-428
Antitrust legislation and enforcement has over the last few decades been increasingly informed by ever more sophisticated analysis while—at the same time—evidence has continued to mount that the results of antitrust remedies fall far short of the promises held out under still prevalent ‘nirvana fallacy’ (Demsetz in Journal of Law and Economics 12(1):1–22, 1969) expectations. I draw upon a recent Supreme Court decision as well as the results of Young and Shughart’s (Public Choice, 2010. doi:10.1007/s11127_009-9531-y) novel approach to the analysis of antitrust enforcement activities to discuss the extent to which public choice theory is vital in solving the puzzle regarding the “unintended” effects of antitrust (public) choices.  相似文献   

10.
11.
This article presents the findings of a collaborative research project involving seven field teams across Europe investigating a range of new political phenomena termed ‘subterranean politics’. The article argues that the social mobilizations and collective activities in 2011 and 2012 were probably less joined up, more heterogeneous, and, perhaps, even, smaller, than similar phenomena during the last decade, but what was striking was their ‘resonance’ among mainstream public opinion—the ‘bubbling up’ of subterranean politics. The main findings included:
  • ??Subterranean political actors perceive the crisis as a political crisis rather than a reaction to austerity. Subterranean politics is just as much a characteristic of Germany, where there are no austerity policies, as other countries.

  • ??Subterranean political actors are concerned about democracy but not as it is currently practised. They experiment with new democratic practises, in the squares, on the Internet, and elsewhere.

  • ??This new political generation not only uses social networking to organize but the Internet has profoundly affected the culture of political activism.

  • ??In contrast to mainstream public debates, Europe is ‘invisible’ even though many subterranean political actors feel themselves to be European.

The research concludes that the term ‘subterranean politics’ is a useful concept that needs further investigation and that Europe needs to be problematized to seek a way out of the crisis.  相似文献   

12.
Recent U.S. federal legislation required states to establish mandatory judicial guidelines for the setting of child-support awards. An equivalence-based approach is used to compare three formulae (two in use, one proposed) to three theoretical benchmarks, to clarify unavoidable trade-offs in the choice of a guideline.
  • 1 Generally, the formulae in use leave children worse off economically than would the benchmark formulae.
  • Since the economic well-being of children cannot be separated from that of their custodial parent, that which most privileges children's welfare will usually privilege the custodial parent over the absent parent, and what appears more fair between the two adults may be less favorable to the children. Another possible trade-off is between children's welfare and work incentives: The guidelines that prescribe larger awards are those with higher implied marginal tax rates. Despite their work disincentive effects, the formulae with higher marginal tax rates are more favorable to children's economic interests.  相似文献   

    13.
    This paper brings to political science a new decision-making model based on research in consumer behavior. Individuals do not necessarily make choices from the universe of alternatives; rather, they choose from a “consideration set,” a notion derived from both utility maximization and information processing theories. Here I apply a model of heterogeneous consideration sets to voting in the 2000 Mexican national election. I argue that the sub-national variation in the strength of Mexican parties leads to heterogeneous consideration sets, resulting in individuals with identical issue preferences and personal attributes making different voting decisions. Application of this model provides both interesting substantive conclusions about vote choice in Mexico and a more general theoretical innovation regarding vote choice.
    Carole J. WilsonEmail:
      相似文献   

    14.
    Training is much discussed but rarely studied in public management. Using multiple waves of survey data, the authors examine the effects of training on the implementation of performance management reforms in the U.S. federal government, asking whether those exposed to training are more likely to use performance data and strategic goals when making decisions. Training is positively associated with reform implementation, but there is little evidence that this association can be explained by the development of specific capacities to overcome performance management challenges. The findings offer two implications for the practice and study of training. The authors propose that training is likely to succeed if it is designed and funded to close specific capacity gaps needed for successful reform implementation. However, it is also necessary to better understand alternative causal mechanisms by which training facilitates reform implementation, such as explaining and justifying reforms.

    Practitioner Points

    • Training can facilitate the implementation of new policies by providing information about the policies, justifying why they are needed, and giving employees the capacity to put the new policies in place.
    • Using training to build specific employee capacities is more complex, resource intensive, and rare than using training to provide information and justify reforms.
    • Effective training in government requires not just more resources but also better understanding of the specific capacities needed and how to create them—research can help by identifying the most significant capacity gaps in policy implementation.
      相似文献   

    15.
    This article introduces the importance of equivalence framing for understanding how satisfaction measures affect citizens’ evaluation of public services. Does a 90 percent satisfaction rate have a different effect than a logically equivalent 10 percent dissatisfaction rate? Two experiments were conducted on citizens’ evaluations of hospital services in a large, nationally representative sample of Danish citizens. Both experiments found that exposing citizens to a patient dissatisfaction measure led to more negative views of public service than exposing them to a logically equivalent satisfaction metric. There is some support for part of the shift in evaluations being caused by a negativity bias: dissatisfaction has a larger negative impact than satisfaction has a positive impact. Both professional experience at a hospital and prior exposure to satisfaction rates reduced the negative response to dissatisfaction rates. The results call for further study of equivalence framing of performance information.

    Practitioner Points

    • The valence (positive/negative) of performance information can have substantial effects on citizens’ perception of public services—even if the underlying performance is exactly the same.
    • Presenting citizens with a dissatisfaction rate of 10 percent induces a much more negative evaluation of public services than presenting them with a logically equivalent satisfaction rate of 90 percent.
    • Policy makers must carefully consider how minor equivalent changes in the presentation of performance information can induce large shifts in citizens’ perceptions of public service performance.
      相似文献   

    16.
    • In common with most other nations, Ireland currently has no statutory regulation of lobbying activities. Equally, and also in common with many countries, lobbying regulation is becoming a more prominent subject of political debate. This paper considers the pervasive context of political corruption and scandal highlighted by one lobbyist now in jail, analyses various suggestions for lobbying regulation which have been proposed, and concludes with a potential reform agenda. The opportunity exists for Ireland to take a lead in producing a comprehensive and meaningful regulatory regime—genuine and principled reform, rather than a muddled compromise.
    Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

    17.
    • Business associations play a significant role in private–public interactions by aggregating company interests and relating these to political decision makers. Associations are particularly important for smaller firms, which generally do not have the resources to pursue political strategies independently. This paper discusses the question of what the motives are for small and medium‐sized firms to maintain their membership in national trade associations at a time when the European business environment is undergoing profound changes. Using the example of the Netherlands, it is argued that associational membership is determined foremost by political considerations. The implication of this conclusion is that national business associations continue to perform an important function in mediating business–government relations. Despite the internationalization of public decision making, these organizations remain important intermediaries for corporate public affairs.
    • 1 We would like to thank two anonymous referees for their helpful comments and suggestions.
    Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

    18.
    Building on prior research into active learning pedagogy in political science, I discuss the development of a new active learning strategy called the “thesis-building carousel,” designed for use in political theory tutorials. This use of active learning pedagogy in a graduate student-led political theory tutorial represents the overlap of several currents of political science education research. First, the graduate teaching assistant-led tutorial is a common complement to large lecture-based introductory courses in political theory. Second, where International Relations has led the expansion of active learning in political science, political theory has lagged behind other subfields (Archer &; Miller 2011 Archer, Candace C. and Melissa K. Miller. 2011. “Prioritizing Active Learning: An Exploration of Gateway Courses in Political Science.” PS: Political Science &; Politics 44(2): 429434.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®] [Google Scholar]). The thesis-building carousel is designed to develop skills necessary for political theory classes—essay writing and peer review. The article concludes with a discussion of how active learning activities designed for specialized spaces can be modified for use in traditional classroom settings, with the example of three forms of “summary carousels.”  相似文献   

    19.
    • This article begins by arguing that the structure of the political market differs significantly from business markets and that, consequently, the prescribed strategies from ‘traditional’ marketing theory are not always appropriate in politics.
    • Then the military metaphor is applied to the political market and its ability to illuminate competitive strategy in this market is explored. Particular attention is paid to the interaction of direct and indirect strategies in politics over the lifecycle of a parliament.
    • The relevance of military principles in implementing the strategies identified is then considered. The paper concludes with a wider discussion of the limitations of the military/competitive model as applied to politics and a general indication of how a more comprehensive competitive model might be created.
    Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

    20.
    • The study of reputation has often focused on such relatively narrow areas as creation of good reputations rather than developed systematic theoretical approaches to understanding the means by which reputations are modified, or shifted, and the factors affecting such shifts. This paper introduces the concept of reputation shifting, with an explicit theory that relates reputational endowments, content characters, audience characters, and opportunity/change factors to reputational stickiness. It also identifies five reputational actions (discard, conceal, redefine, transfer, create), and the strategies that can be taken to manage reputations.
    Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

    设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

    Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号