共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Donald P. Hirasuna 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(4):573-603
Mortgage application denial rates have increased since 2002, but it is unclear to what extent this increase in denials has differentially affected “non-traditional” mortgage applicants that do not resemble “traditional” white, non-Hispanic opposite-sex couple applicants. This article uses augmented Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (HMDA) data to investigate disparities in denial rates between traditional and non-traditional mortgage applicants between 2004 and 2008 in the Federal Reserve Bank's ninth district. We find evidence that lenders became more cautious in lending decisions between 2004 and 2008, treating applicants with the same incomes and requested loan amounts differently over time. After accounting for a variety of loan, applicant, lender, and environmental characteristics, we find that many “non-traditional” applicant groups across the ninth district experienced persistently higher mortgage application denial rates when compared to white, non-Hispanic opposite-sex couples. In some cases, the gap in the mortgage application denial rates between non-traditional and traditional applicants has actually increased over time. 相似文献
2.
Franklin Oduro 《Citizenship Studies》2009,13(6):621-639
Ghana's tortuous journey to democracy received a major boost in the year 2006 with the enactments of two human-rights-related pieces of legislation. In this article the author contends, on the one hand, that the recent enactments of an amendment to the law on representation of the people and the persons with disability law in Ghana constituted a noteworthy landmark in the search for inclusive citizenship. On the other hand, the relation between society and the political authority during the processes of the enactments highlighted characteristics of a post-colonial African state. The author explores the antagonisms that surrounded the enactments of these laws. The article concludes that although the Ghanaian experience represents a new wave of re-thinking of rights in Africa, it also underscores the deep-seated issues of contestation and negotiations that unavoidably accompany the expansion of democracy and extension of rights to the excluded and the marginalized. 相似文献
3.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(1):60-76
AbstractThe attempt to connect philosophy and social hope has been one of the key distinguishing features of critical theory as a tradition of enquiry. This connection has been questioned forcefully from the perspective of a post-philosophical pragmatism, as articulated by Rorty. In this article I consider two strategies that have been adopted by critical theorists in seeking to reject Rorty's suggestion that we should abandon the attempt to ground social hope in philosophical reason. We consider argumentative strategies of the philosophical anthropologist and of the rational proceduralist. Once the exchanges between Rorty and these two strands of critical theory have been reconstructed and assessed, an alternative perspective emerges. It is argued that philosophical reasoning best helps to sustain social hope in a rapidly changing world when we consider it in terms of the practice of democratic criticism. 相似文献
4.
创建学习型组织:背景、理论和实践意义 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
文晓灵 《北京行政学院学报》2003,(5):59-62
学习型组织理论是当今最前沿的管理理论之一。它是在知识经济正在到来、知识管理成为管理核心的时代背景下应运而生的。学习型组织有特定的内涵。在管理实践中,学习型组织已经显示出强大的生命力。我们应密切关注并积极推动学习型组织特别是学习型政府的建设。 相似文献
5.
公共政策的制定者在决策过程中往往通过某种方式来参考其它国家的决策者在相似情况下的做法,包括正面经验和负面教训。这种政策转移(Policy Transfer)现象是公共政策制定和制度创新在现实中的一种主要途径和方式。论述分三个部分:首先,简述了政策转移的概念化过程,辨别了和其它相近概念的异同;其次,勾勒了本课题研究的多学科、多方法和多层次的态势,列举和介绍了一些代表性的研究实例;最后,探讨了相关的理论生成的问题。通过对有关政策转移问题研究的回顾、分析和总结,强调了我国政策转移中大量转移实践和理论研究缺失之间的矛盾现象;提出了开展我国政策转移研究的必要性和关注点;旨在引起我国公共政策的制定者和学者对这一课题的重视,为公共政策有关的决策实践和理论研究提供一个观察、分析和决策的角度。 相似文献
6.
公共管理视域中的第三部门:功能、优势及困境 总被引:14,自引:0,他引:14
第三部门与公共管理无论从理念还是实践层面都具有紧密的内在联系。第三部门是公民社会的组织,在公共管理的多元主体体系中,代表来自市场和政府之外的力量。在公共管理中,第三部门发挥独特的功能,它已经成为推动经济发展、提供社会公共服务、推进民主政治进程、维护社会稳定、促进社会资本积累的重要力量。第三部门功能的发挥源于第三部门在贴近民众、行动灵活、创新性、专业性、广泛性方面具有独特的优势。同时,第三部门由于内外两方面的原因,存在活力缺失的困境。第三部门要走出困境,客观上需要第三部门自身、政府和社会的共同努力。 相似文献
7.
西方“整体政府”改革:理论、实践及启示 总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6
20世纪90年代中后期,西方各国进行了以"整体政府"为内容的第二轮政府改革运动。在理论上,西方"整体政府"改革既是对新公共管理反思与批判的结果,又是一定意识形态作用的产物,还与各种协作理论密切相关;"整体政府"已成为当代西方各国政府改革的新趋向,并形成了一种区别于传统官僚制和新公共管理模式的新型政府改革模式,即"整体政府"模式。该模式具有深刻的内涵、鲜明的特征和独特的治理结构。在实践上,"整体政府"改革具有丰富的内容,既有改革模式上的共性,又有具体操作中的国别特色,并形成了一种最佳实践模式。这一最佳实践模式具有独特的文化与哲学、新的工作方式、新的责任和激励机制,以及制定政策、设计方案和提供服务的新方式。西方"整体政府"改革对我国当前行政管理体制改革的进路具有三点启示:一是建立"内联"治理结构;二是发展"外协"合作关系;三是转变政府职能,建设和谐行政文化。 相似文献
8.
Recent Developments to British Multicultural Theory,Policy and Practice: The Case of British Muslims
Since the early 1970s, there have been highly sophisticated arguments and conceptual discussions put forward in relation to how Western liberal democracies might wish to manage their diverse ethnic minority populations. It is apparent, however, that in the current climate, the important principles of unity and diversity are insufficient to challenge differing forms of ethnic, racial, and religious inequality. This paper argues that because of its underlying assumptions and modus operandi in the post-September 11 climate, British multiculturalism has been ineffective, even supporting some commentators' suggestions of a return to assimilationism. There is a new era in post-September 11 political hegemony, economic determinism and structural and cultural racisms, with European government rhetoric and public policy almost exclusively aimed at Muslims—whether as existing citizens or as part of a process of limiting immigration (which has tended to be from mainly Eastern European, North African, and Middle Eastern sending regions and nations). The example of New Labour and how it has attempted to deal with multiculturalism in Britain is a case in point. The discussion explores the changing concept of multiculturalism with special reference to British Muslims and debates that emerge in relation to identity, nation and civil society. It is argued that the experience and treatment of British Muslims is important to explore and appreciate in the current climate as it provides a test case for the future of (a) British multiculturalism and (b) British Muslims in society per se. 相似文献
9.
Are electorally vulnerable politicians really less likely to support controversial legislation, such as pension reforms? While the literature on welfare state retrenchment has increasingly pointed to the role of electoral factors in the dynamics of social policy cutbacks, there are few studies that actually measure the magnitude of electoral pressure and its consequent impact on the politics of reform. To this end, the authors have developed a quantitative measure of the electoral vulnerability of politicians and tested its impact on pension reform outcomes using an original dataset comprising 16 Western European countries from 1980 to 2003. In line with expectations, the results show that the impact of electoral vulnerability on reform depends upon the system of interest intermediation. In corporatist systems, electoral vulnerability indeed impedes reform. But in pluralist systems, increased electoral vulnerability is associated with higher levels of reform. This is because unions in corporatist (but not in pluralist) systems can exploit electoral vulnerability in pre‐legislative bargaining, and thus pressure politicians. Consequently, this study has broader implications for the differential responsiveness of democracies to redistributive issues more generally. 相似文献
10.
Political Competition,Agenda Power,and Incentives to Innovate: An Empirical Examination of Vested‐Interest Theory
下载免费PDF全文

Dina Balalaeva 《政策研究评论》2015,32(4):413-442
Technological innovations are by no means Pareto‐improving. I build on the argument that incumbent innovators can use political means to block rival innovations by emphasizing that the competitiveness of political system and some political institutions may diminish their ability to do so. I specify an institutional mechanism of agenda power, which provides newcomers with an improved ability to enter the game. The number of agenda power holders varies significantly among political systems, electoral systems, and administrative structures. With a sample of about 100 countries and across 20 years I show that politically competitive regimes, majoritarian electoral rules, and federal structures supply more holders of agenda power in comparison to their counterparts and, other things being equal, produce more innovations. 相似文献
11.
Do the leading predictors of economic growth found in the cross-national research have a capacity to predict economic growth at the state level in the United States (US)? Are the effects of education spending on economic growth underestimated because research fails to examine the indirect effects of spending on economic growth? This article presents the findings from a study investigating the relationship between education and economic growth in US states while controlling for the effects of the leading predictors of economic growth from the cross-national research. It also utilizes a path model to examine direct and indirect relationships between education spending and economic growth measured as per capita income growth. The results indicate that spending on higher education and highway expenditures demonstrate a positive association with growth in per capita income, while K12 (kindergarten through 12th grade) spending and K12 pupil–teacher ratios demonstrate a negative association with income growth from 1988 to 2005. Moreover, K12 spending and population growth indirectly affect income growth through their relationship with K12 pupil–teacher ratios, and spending on higher education indirectly affects income growth through college attainment rates. Overall, all but one variable from the cross-national research demonstrates a significant direct or indirect relationship with income growth during at least one time-period investigated. Treating K12 pupil–teacher ratios and college attainment as mediating variables also enhances our understanding of the dynamics that explain growth in per capita income at the sub-national level in the US. However, some unexpected findings emerge when the data are analyzed on the basis of two eight-year sub-periods. 相似文献
12.
中国特色社会主义制度优势是人们坚持中国道路的重要前提,是深化中国理论的重要资源,是发展中国文化的重要保障。中国制度优势深刻蕴含着中国共产党对"三大规律"的深刻系统把握,把握中国特色社会主义制度的优势,就是要从历史唯物主义的高度阐述中国制度与人类社会其他制度相比较所具有的优势。中国制度不是自然形成的,其形成和发展有着自身的历史逻辑。中国制度优势也不是天然存在的,正是在新中国成立尤其是改革开放以来中国制度形成的历史逻辑中逐步得到体现的。制度设计和制度执行力是制度优势的表现形式,而制度优势的评价标准只能是实践,当代中国的伟大实践一再证实了中国制度优势。 相似文献
13.
Recent decades have seen an acceleration in public concern about the allocation of increasingly scarce water supplies. There
are many reasons for this concern, such as growth in urban populations. In this article, we focus on how surface water’s special
qualities (the combination of spillovers, rent-seeking behavior, and common pool resources) complicate the assignment of property
rights in any legal framework. These characteristics make specific market structures necessary in order to efficiently allocate
rights. The state usually designs those structures. Yet, just like markets can fail, so can governments fail to effectively
allocate those rights. So designers often turn to quasi-judicial conservancy boards as a second-best solution. We argue that
those boards may themselves fail through a form of “corporation failure.” We address these three types of failures, and offer
an analysis of two cases that suggests that the likelihood conservancy boards will suffer from corporate failure depends on
the actions of the boards and outside stakeholders (like governments).
相似文献
Benjamin Y. ClarkEmail: |
14.
Big data holds tremendous potential for public policy analysis. At the same time, its use prompts a number of issues related to statistical bias, privacy, equity, and governance, among others. Accordingly, there is a need to formulate, evaluate, and implement policies that not only mitigate the risks, but also maximize the benefits of using big data for policy analysis. This poses a number of challenges, which are highlighted in this essay. 相似文献
15.
Linkages and Connections: A Framework for Research in Information and Communication Technologies, Regional Integration, and Development 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This article examines the relationship between information and communication technologies (ICTs) and regional integration as a pathway to socioeconomic development in Africa and South America. Both regions share a colonial legacy often characterized by stronger economic ties to the developed world than within the regions. In recent decades, regional organizations have been involved in efforts to strengthen the infrastructure for ICTs, as well as the enhancement of economic and political integration as strategies to achieve development. However, the literature continues to show distinct research agendas that unwittingly overlook the connections between these areas. This article proposes a theoretical framework combining research on integration, ICTs, and development. It provides a brief analysis of each region and its ICT initiatives, the potential impact on regional integration, and how this relates to development. We suggest possible applications of the framework to identify and research the processes of integration and expected outcomes of development. 相似文献
16.
Using the Parliamentary Communications Allowance, MP David Drew recently conducted a large scale research project into public opinion on the British Constitution. There could not have been a better time to do so. Not only are we in the wake of severe economic and political crises, but also a period of unprecedented legislative interest in the constitution. Coordinated by Ed Leighton (an undergraduate at the LSE), the project consisted of a postal survey of 43,000 households, public debates around the constituency and workshops in local schools. The response from the public was incredible, and the results both interesting and unexpected. This article will outline some of those findings and demonstrate that large scale consultations with the public are both readily achievable and warmly welcomed. That this can all be done within the budget of the Parliamentary Communications Allowance also shows that at its best this fund can be used to genuinely engage with the public. 相似文献
17.
ALAN WARE 《The Political quarterly》2014,85(1):17-22
In the early autumn of 2013 large minorities in Italy and the United States fermented crises that badly disrupted the government of the two countries. These cases were widely understood as instances of dysfunction in established democracies that would rarely be replicated elsewhere. However, while all the conditions that generated the crises are unlikely to be evident in other established democracies three important factors that caused the disruptions in the American and Italian political processes are also sources of political conflict in Britain. They are the powers of the second legislative chamber, the weakening links between parties and social groups, and the redrawing of electoral boundaries. All of them present problems for political reform in Britain, and understanding the role they played in the two political crises of 2013 is important for future reform in Britain. 相似文献
18.
党的十八大以来,政务服务已成为建设服务型政府的新引擎。政务服务质量高不高、企业群众满意度如何衡量,长期以来缺乏制度化保障。公共管理学界已经认识到,构建科学合理的政务服务“好差评”制度已提上日程。基于政务服务助力推进政府治理现代化的宏大视角,本文探讨了现阶段我国政务服务“好差评”制度的政策意蕴,基于公共受托责任理论和新公共管理理论阐释了政务服务“好差评”与服务型政府的理念映射,并从价值取向、评价机制、评价内容、评价方法四个维度勾勒出了其建构路径。本文研究既丰富和发展了新公共管理运动的理论体系,亦有助于在实践中为加快我国服务型政府建设提供方法论借鉴。 相似文献
19.
Gary W. Yoke 《Policy Sciences》1991,24(3):245-269
20.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(4):347-367
Before the 2003 Iraq war, the political leadership of the United States and United Kingdom had to sell the case for war to their people and the world. This was attempted through a number of speeches that employed rhetorical justifications for the war. Two prominent justifications used during this period involved the employment of security and humanitarian narratives. The security narrative focused on claims regarding Iraq's undermining of international law, possession of weapons of mass destruction and threat to the world. The humanitarian narrative revolved around claims about human suffering in Iraq and the need to liberate its people. While it is widely assumed that security is the dominant casus belli in the post-9/11 world, there is much evidence to suggest that the humanitarian justifications that played a critical role in the military interventions of the 1990s were still important after 9/11. The use of humanitarian justifications for the Iraq war clearly has implications for the ‘responsibility to protect (R2P)’ movement, which has gained prominence since the December 2001 publication of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) report. Based on an extensive content analysis of speeches by the US and UK political leadership before the war, this article will quantify the relative importance of each narrative and analyse what the findings mean for the ongoing debates within the ‘responsibility to protect (R2P)’ movement. 相似文献