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1.
《Journal of Gender Studies》2012,21(1):1-17
Feminist artists and critics have located postcolonial ‘Irish woman’ as ‘other’ to a dominant construct of ‘Irish manhood’, or to British colonialism. But what are the limits of a paradigm of woman as ‘other’ that privileges ‘gender’ and misses its intersections with ‘race’; or favours simplistic analogies between postcolonial Irish women and black and Third World women? Ireland's 2004 Referendum on Citizenship, which sought to exclude Ireland's non-white immigrants and reproduced national identity through gendered discourses of whiteness, highlights the need for feminist cultural critics to interrogate the hegemonic conflation of the categories ‘white’ and Irish. The referendum redefined the basis of citizenship as jus sanguinis – transmitted through bloodline – threatening many immigrants with deportation while affirming the belonging of the ‘Irish diaspora’ as a ‘blood’ inheritance. Influenced by Jacques Derrida's deconstructive methods, this essay shows that ironically, in works by women artists of the ‘Irish diaspora’, such essentialist notions of ‘Irishness’ are rebuked. It looks to visual culture to explore how Irish national identity has been construed through gendered discourses of ‘race’ and whiteness, and then turns to the symbolic practices of women to theorise whiteness as a historical and cultural construct, and a performed social location. 相似文献
2.
Kim F. Hall 《Women & Performance》2013,23(2):169-180
This essay examines the competing readings of food refusal that emerged from a student hunger strike held at Columbia University in fall 2007. The invisibility of the act of food refusal forces hunger strikers to adopt performance strategies that make their (non)action visible as protest. To make the politics of their food refusal legible, advocates for the hunger strike promoted their actions as part of a 40 year tradition of student protest. However, that same invisibility allowed the protest's detractors to deride the hunger strikers as anorexic. At the center of the protest and the commentary about it was a wasting female body that confused for spectators the line between the political and the pathological. Attention to this body raises questions of how community is created and disciplined through performative acts, how easily female protest is evacuated of political meaning and the uneasy role of whiteness in popular attention to anorexia. 相似文献
3.
《Journal of Gender Studies》2012,21(1):35-60
This paper examines how masculinities and race are co-constructed in South African television advertising. A sample of 5803 advertisements was collected that included 876 primary visual male actors. These were coded and analysed by means of traditional content analysis. A coding scheme was developed which was partly based on existing research. Coding categories included advertisement setting and products; race, social class, age and portrayal of primary visual actor; as well as sexuality, toughness, independence, status, responsibility and homophobia norms of traditional masculinity as related to the primary visual male actor. Hypotheses predicted that men would be represented significantly differently in television advertisements depending upon their race. These differences in representation reflect an intersection between traditional gender and race relations in South Africa that are marked by longstanding inequalities. The findings largely supported these hypotheses. White men are represented as exemplars of hegemonic masculinity whilst black men are marginalised. It is argued that these representations serve to maintain hierarchical social relations between men in South Africa. This study provides a foundation upon which further work may be undertaken. Avenues for future research are outlined. 相似文献
4.
新民主主义革命时期党的职工教育是中国无产阶级教育史上的一页光辉篇章。这一阶段的职工教育开办工人学校、推动工人教育立法、完善职工教育体系,以为党育人为根本宗旨,以马克思主义教育理论为实践遵循,以服务职工为中心,开创和发展了我国职工教育理论和实践。新时代,职工教育要以培养“完整人”为目标,以先进的思想引领职工,以优秀的文化培育职工;构建服务职工终身学习的教育体系,培养高素质的职工队伍。 相似文献
5.
Raj Patel Rachel Bezner Kerr Lizzie Shumba Laifolo Dakishoni 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(1):21-44
The Group of Eight Countries (G8) launched the New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition to improve nutritional outcomes through private sector involvement in agricultural development. The accession of Malawi to the Alliance reveals the assumptions behind the intervention. We show that while the New Alliance may seem to have little to do with nutrition, its emergence as a frame for the privatization of food and agriculture has been decades in the making, and is best understood as an outcome of a project of nutritionism. To highlight the failings of the approach, we present findings from the Soils, Food and Healthy Communities Initiative in northern Malawi, which has demonstrated success in combatting malnutrition through a combination of agroecological farming practices, community mobilization, women's empowerment and changes in intrahousehold gender dynamics. Contrasting a political economic analysis of the New Alliance alongside that of the Soils, Food and Healthy Communities Initiative shows the difference between a concern with the gendered social context of malnutrition, and nutritionism. We conclude with an analysis of the ways that nutrition can play a part in interventions that are inimical, or conducive, to freedom. 相似文献
6.
Maya Winfrey 《Women & Performance》2016,26(2-3):208-221
Using a dialogic format this conversation between two authors uses political theorist Paolo Virno's conception of the “multitude” to examine and compare two different arenas of black feminist protest that took place on social media in the latter half of 2013. As a performative article, it offers historical and theoretical background to the terms “multitude,” “public intellect,” and “virtuosic labor” in racialized capitalist formations, situating them to provide an alternative to the power of the State – an alternative that unlike the State does not claim to confer rights. The article looks at the Facebook response to a call from the Crunk Feminist Collective to white feminists to speak out on the verdict exonerating Trayvon Martin’s killer and offer counter images to those that describe Martin's killing as justified. It then looks at the public dialogue around the applicability of the term “feminism” to Beyoncé's self-titled “visual album.” Through aesthetic inquiry, the authors look at the form these examples of protest take to situate and propose the active viewing of these aesthetic forms by others on social media, as well as by the authors of this article, as a kind of virtuosic labor. The article concludes with a series of poems created using the “cut-up” technique designed to transmit feeling through subjective action and a task manifesto for white feminists to use as a guide. 相似文献