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Larian Angelo 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(4):581-644
Contrary to the mainstream economic view that unfree labour in the US ended with the Emancipation, this article argues that an unfree labour system continued to dominate southern agriculture in the post Civil War period. Part I details how the southern land tenure system, contract labour laws, and credit system combined to create a social structure of accumulation [Edwards, Gordon and Reich, 1982] that effectively trapped a majority of sharecroppers in debt peonage. However, unlike Ransom and Sutch [1977] I argue that it was the planter and not the merchant, class who were the chief architects and beneficiaries of the unfree labour system. Part II creates a model showing how this ‘unfree’ social structure of accumulation led to the limited and skewed patterns of industrial development, the low level of technological innovation in agriculture, the eventual creation of a large surplus labour pool, and the depressed wage rates that have characterised the American South up to the 1970s. 相似文献
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Renata Siemieńska 《Women's history review》2013,22(4):553-566
Abstract This paper considers the consequences of economic and political change in the early 1990s for women's situation in the Polish labour market. New types of employment emerged in various sectors of the Polish economy around the mid-1970s. Some, such as finance, insurance, education and health care became highly feminised. Under the Communist system, many regulations were introduced to allow women to combine paid labour with taking care of the household. In the new post-Communist economic situation, these gender-specific regulations work against women, making them less attractive to employers. In a situation of high unemployment, employers in the growing private sector can afford to make specific demands of their employees: that they be young, male, and mobile. Women are thus in a worse situation in the labour market even though they are often more educated than the men with whom they must compete for work. There is urgent need to introduce mechanisms to create a more equal labour market. 相似文献
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Colleen Chesterman 《澳大利亚女权主义者研究》1990,5(11):123-126
Desley Deacon, Managing Gender. The State, the New Middle Class and Women Workers 1830–1930 (Oxford) Melbourne 1989; Sally Hacker, Pleasure, Power and Technology. Some Tales of Gender, Engineering and the Cooperative Workplace, (Unwin Hyman) London 1989; Rosemary Pringle, Secretaries Talk. Sexuality, Power and Work, (Allen & Unwin) Sydney 1988; Claire Williams, Blue, White and Pink Collar Workers in Australia. Technicians, Bank Employees and Flight Attendants, (Allen & Unwin) Sydney 1988. 相似文献
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《Labor History》2012,53(6):716-733
ABSTRACTStatistical information is critical for both government and the general public for monitoring, evaluation, and implementation of employment policies and programmes. This paper revisits the labour market trends between 2012 and 2016 and discusses the importance of job search methods for labour market entry in Ghana. We explored job search methods (Formal and Informal Methods) used by 235 participants from seven regions of Ghana. Results revealed that many of the participants highly relied on informal job search methods to secure jobs across all demographic variables. This has been the case in Ghana when unemployment continues to increase leading to a difficult labour market entry. Our findings, therefore, suggest that in such a restricted labour market, employment success is likely to be determined by ‘whom you know’. The results offer practical recommendations for private and public employment consultancies, as well as policymakers to institute impactful intervention programmes for job seekers on the efficient ways of developing and sustaining meaningful social capital/networks to enhance their chances of finding employment. 相似文献
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北京市保安服务业近年来发展迅速,从业人员大量增加,工资协商是工会维护保安员收入权,构建和谐劳动关系的一项重要举措。实践中需要我们了解保安服务行业职工队伍状况、开展工资协商情况、当前面临的困难和问题,并提出健全完善保安服务行业工资集体协商制度的对策建议。 相似文献
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ABSTRACT This article investigates the direct and indirect effects of female education on full-time labour market employment using Guinean demographic and health surveys. It addresses potential endogeneity of female education, unobserved heterogeneity and sample selectivity concerns using the control function model and a non-self-cluster identification strategy. Results show that female education has a diminishing direct effect on full-time employment, with the inverted-U-shaped relationship portraying that women with seven-plus years of schooling are less likely to be regularly employed than their counterparts with less years of schooling. Interacting female education and its square with the corresponding reduced form residuals increase the probability of full-time labour market employment – an indication that female education and unobserved correlates are complementary. Thus, highly educated Guinea women do not increase their full-time market engagements – a pointer of the importance they may be attributing to home-produced goods and services that push them to perhaps prefer flexi-work arrangements such as occasional or seasonal market engagements. 相似文献
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Clare L. Tanner 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(4):672-698
This study asks why class, caste and gender ties operated differently in the mobilisation of agricultural labourers from two villages with a regional union movement. In both villages, mobilisation involved coalition building ‐ either across class or caste boundaries. The type of coalition assembled seems to depend on past political strategies that have been in use by labourers at least since the late 1940s. The contribution of social networks as conditioned by the organisation of the male and female workforces is also investigated. Such variables are found to be more ‘explanatory’ of participation in collective struggles with the labour union than abstract class categories or structural change in the economy. 相似文献
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Sarah Childs 《Women's history review》2013,22(1):55-73
Abstract The British General Election of 1997 witnessed the return of 120 women MPs to Parliament, of whom 101 are Labour women MPs. This article, structured in two parts, suggests, first, that the transformation in Women's legislative recruitment in 1997 is best understood as resulting from the Labour Party's policy of all-women shortlists. Drawing on empirical research, it also reveals insights into how this policy was implemented on the ground. The second part of the article offers an analysis of Women's political representation in contemporary British politics. The assumption that Women's numerical representation effects feminised change is explored through a consideration of the attitudes of women representatives. The research suggests that women MPs consider that Women's presence has the potential to transform the parliamentary political agenda and style. 相似文献
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