大历史观的理论内涵与思想价值

大历史观是一种观察历史和社会的思维、视野和科学方法,是对历史唯物主义的运用和发展。大历史观从纵向的时间维度来分析和把握历史事件的发生、发展和变化的历史过程,从横向的空间视野来审视和把握该历史事件和与之相联系的不同地区和民族之间的相互关系,从总体史的视角来研究和把握历史事件在其所处的综合网络中的历史坐标,从而得出客观、科学的结论。大历史观进一步发展了马克思主义历史观,是分析历史事件的科学思维与方法,是反驳历史虚无主义的思想武器。     

论渗透科学历史观教育的意义——以“中国近现代史纲要”课程为例

科学历史观指的是人们在认识、研究和改造人类历史发展及历史事件过程中所持的唯物的、辩证的根本观点和方法。"中国近现代史纲要"作为高校思想政治理论课程,在其教学实践中渗透科学历史观教育有着重要意义。首先,渗透科学历史观教育是社会主义意识形态教育的应有之义;其次,渗透科学历史观教育是学生思想政治教育的内在要求;最后,渗透科学历史观教育是树立爱国主义的客观需要。     

习近平新时代大历史观的生成逻辑、科学内涵及实践指向

党的十八大以来,习近平总书记发表了一系列关于历史的重要观点和重要论断,形成了新时代科学的大历史观。从生成逻辑来看,科学的理论先导和发展的客观诉求促进了习近平新时代大历史观的生成;从科学内涵来看,习近平新时代大历史观重点阐释了推进历史的主体因素、历史的价值功能、历史发展的客观规律、历史演进的美好愿景;从实践指向来看,习近平新时代大历史观旨在发挥历史的实践指导作用,更好地传播中国声音、展现中国形象,坚定道路自信。     

马克思两大理论发现第二形态探讨——兼谈知识生产和创造的历史观与价值论本体定位

本文以劳动创造人的历史起点为逻辑起点的“公理”前提 ,以人类劳动发展的历史规律为客观依据 ,在确认马克思历史观和价值论体劳本体 (本质 )即第一形态的基础上 ,明确提出以脑劳为本体 (本质 )的历史观和价值论的第二形态 ,也就是劳动历史观和价值论的本体论范式转换。     

习近平新时代历史观的价值意蕴、 理论要旨及其实践指向

习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想内容丰富,历史观是其重要组成部分。习近平新时代历史观以马克思唯物史观为理论指导,围绕世界发展、国家治理、民族存续、社会革命、个人认知和政党建设六个方面,概括历史所内蕴的重要意义;依循历史发展的基础论、主体论、动力论和目的论的逻辑结构,对习近平新时代历史观的理论要旨予以重点阐析;发挥习近平新时代历史观的实践指导功用,要求人们增强历史思维、秉持历史准则、强化历史教育、保障中华民族伟大复兴中国梦的顺利实现。坚持意蕴分析、理论诠释、实践落实的研究范式,对于研究习近平新时代历史观具有重要的理论价值和现实意义。     

试论人的需要与社会运行机制

人类社会历史的有序渐进、从低级走向高级,最根本的动因就是人的需要。满足人的需要是人类一切活动的出发点和归宿,人的需要在社会运行和社会历史演进与更替中具有举足轻重的作用。本文试就人的需要与社会运行机制问题做些初步探索。 人的需要是指人类自身生存和发展的客观要求,它在人类生存和发展的过程中表现为一种摄取状态,表现为人类一切活动的目的。需要范畴是马克思和恩格斯历史观逻辑     

历史唯物主义的非目的论阐释

历史目的论具有抽象同一性的普遍历史观、单线性的进步观和将个人视为历史目的实现工具的人学观三个基本特征.马克思通过对资本主义产生的地域特殊性以及原始积累过程中政治暴力因素的分析,揭示了历史唯物主义不具有历史目的论的抽象同一性和单线性进步论的特点.而他对历史产生和发展实质的考察,则彰显了个人在历史中的在场以及历史发展的合目的性根源.历史唯物主义实现了历史发展的合目的性和合规律性的统一,超越了历史目的论,是真正的历史科学.     

习近平大历史观对历史唯物主义的创新性发展

习近平从理论性与实践性的双重维度创立了以历史唯物主义为指导的大历史观。这种大历史观从历史的阶段性与连续性、民族性与世界性、前进性与曲折性辩证统一的视角出发,全程、全方位、全局地看待历史与现实。它既不同于西方大历史观,又实现了对历史唯物主义的创新性发展。中国共产党应积极践行习近平大历史观,通过全面把握我国历史发展的客观规律和世界历史大势,为新时代坚持中国特色社会主义实践提供支撑。     

马克思主义社会历史观与科学发展

人化自然、人的社会和社会机体是马克思主义社会历史观的三个要素。马克思主义关于人化自然的思想具有鲜明的生态哲学、生态文明意蕴;马克思主义社会历史观强调了以人本身的发展为最高目的和价值追求;马克思主义的社会机体理论在本质上阐明了社会生成和发展的整体性、协调性和连续性。马克思主义社会历史观构成了科学发展坚实的理论基础。     

马克思“国家-社会”关系理论及其对我国国家治理现代化的启示

马克思的国家-社会关系理论在人类思想史上第一次系统地论述了社会决定国家的历史观,科学地界定了国家和社会的本质,提出了国家和社会最终统一的发展方向。国家与社会关系的历史演进对中国国家治理具有深刻影响。马克思的国家-社会关系理论对于我们正确认识国家与社会的关系,发展符合我国国情和社会主义现代化建设要求的国家与社会的良性互动,推进国家治理现代化具有重要启示。     

Brandom on Norms and Objectivity

The aim of this paper is to investigate Brandom’s conception of the objectivity of norms. In Making It Explicit Brandom supports a weak notion of objectivity based on his understanding of the perspectival structure of linguistic practices. In his following works, he resorts to the Hegelian notion of recognition, adding a historical dimension to his account. I contend that this notion of objectivity can be successfully defended against the objections raised by the commentators. In particular, it does not jeopardise the same possibility of communication, as claimed by Habermas and others, unless a strongly objective notion of communication is assumed. However, the paradigm shift from a strong to a weak understanding of objectivity entails a consequent revision of the conception of social criticism.     

弘扬军人核心价值观 反对历史虚无主义

在弘扬军人核心价值观的过程中,我们一定要坚持反对什么,弘扬什么。在目前思想多元化的状态下,历史虚无主义是消解中共党史和中国革命史的一服毒药。尽管它的表现形式多种多样,但是,目的只有一个,就是虚无中国人民革命、建设的历史,美化殖民统治、帝、官、封统治的历史,我们必须旗帜鲜明地加以反对。     

论王船山的知行统一观对毛泽东实践论的影响

王船山的知行统一观是中国哲学史上认识论发展的一座里程碑,对中国近代知行观的形成和发展产生了深远的影响。在此基础上,我们探讨其对毛泽东实践论的理论建构的影响以及其在中国革命实践和建设中的具体运用的影响,这对于弘扬传统文化,促使马克思主义在中国化的进程中得以发展,具有重要的意义和作用。     

Labour's approach to planning: Economics v politics

Since 1964 the Labour Party has been closely associated with the development in government of a conception of planning which gives pride of place to economic rather than representative opinion. Although ofneo‐liberal inspiration, its adoption by Labour is by no means circumstantial but is historically embedded in social democratic ideology concerning economic organisation. This convergence with neo‐liberalism is especially notable for its tendency towards the denial and ultimate impoverishment of politics. Yet the theoretical basis exists for an approach to planning—ultimately more realistic politically—incorporating and developing rather than devaluing representative democracy.     

Two Concepts of Violence

The aim of this review article is to explore some theoretical issues regarding the nature and scope of violence. There are two ways of thinking about violence: in terms of an act of force, or in terms of a violation. Those who define violence as an intentional act of excessive or destructive force endorse a narrow conception of violence (the Minimalist Conception of Violence or MCV), while those who see violence in terms of a violation of rights champion a broader conception of violence (the Comprehensive Conception of Violence or CCV). The strengths and weaknesses of both approaches will be assessed.     

Power and Contentment

In a recent article in this journal ( Politics Vol. 17 No. 1), Colin Hay rethinks the radical conception of power developed by Steven Lukes. Hay argues that the failure to keep analytical and normative questions distinct means that Lukes mistakenly conflates the identification and critique of power relations. To circumvent this problem, Hay redefines the concept in terms which remove normative questions from the analysis of power. In this article, the contention is that the definition proposed by Hay does not meet his objective. It is argued that, contrary to Hay and other critics, the radical conception of power can be made to work within the terms originally articulated by Lukes.     

早期儒家的“时圣”人格境界义解

早期儒家的“圣人”人格理论构想包合看两个基本层面，一个是理想的，具有终极性价值的“内圣外王”人格境界，另一个是现实的、具有实践价值的“时圣”人格境界。在早期儒家人格理论的历时性发展过程中，“圣”的人格境界存在看由“形而上”到“形而下”的思维转型态势，这种思维转型态势是与早期儒家对于“时”的认识深化过程存在看密切的联系。通过以“时”援“圣”，以及将非主体性范畴——“时”的主体化努力，早期儒家在现实价值实践中也完成了从汲汲于“内圣外王”人格境界向“时圣”人格境界诉求的转型。     

Policy making in political memoirs — the case of the poll tax

As a contemporary means of political communication, those memoirs of participants that offer insights into the formulation of public policy are significant resources for researchers. This is even more so when a range of accounts can be examined together and their assertions tested against each other. The development, implementation and ultimate failure of the Poll Tax is a key element of recent British political history. While historians will eventually have access to the official record, and journalists provided daily coverage at the time, politicians' memoirs can be used by political scientists to describe and then evaluate the operation of the policy‐making process. The Poll Tax is a highly instructive example of the chaos that can result if any political system produces a policy which is under‐researched and not subjected to searching evaluation in parallel with its development. Copyright © 2002 Henry Stewart Publications.     

Private association and public brand: the dualistic conception of political parties in the common law world

This paper examines the legal conception of political parties. It does so by unearthing the history and ontology of the common law relating to political parties in international perspective. The flexibility of the unincorporated association, in which parties are understood through the private law of contract as networks of internal rules or agreements, rather than as legal entities, has proven to be a mask. In the common law’s imagination, the ideal party is a ground-up organization animated by its membership. But the law mandates no such thing, and in its statutory and constitutional conception intra-party democracy may be sublimated as parties need be no more than an electoral persona or brand.     

The Labor(s) of Degrowth

The degrowth debate so far has lacked a clear vision of what social subjects, and which processes of political subjectivation, can turn its vision into a political strategy. In this contribution to the debate on degrowth and eco-socialism, I point to the place of labor in the politics of socio-ecological revolution, arguing that degrowth should aim for a truly democratic, workers’ controlled production system, where alienation is actively countered by a collective reappropriation of the products of labor and by a truly democratic decision-making process over the use of the surplus. Such strategy must be based on an extended concept of class relations that goes beyond the wage labor relation, and toward a broader conception of work as a (gendered and racialized) mediator of social metabolism. I conclude that ecosocialist degrowth should take the form of a struggle for dealienating both industrial and meta-industrial labor.