香港主权回归对两岸关系发展之影响

1997年7月1日,中国政府将收回被英国侵占一百多年的香港,恢复行使主权、作为本世纪末中国历史上的一件大事,这将使香港本身产生根本性的变化,同时对海峡两岸关系乃至中国领土的最终完成统一都将产生巨大而深远的影响.香港主权顺利收回对解决台湾问题起到良好示范中国收回香港是在邓小平“一国两制” 理论指导下进行的,“一国两制” 是为解决台湾问题而提出的构想,但先用于解决香港问题的实践.     

邓小平智斗＂铁娘子＂撒切尔夫人

1982年9月，英国首相撒切尔夫人访问中国，就香港前途问题与中国领导人进行会谈。邓小平以一个伟大爱国者的情怀，严正驳斥了撤切尔夫人的“三个条约有效论”，宣布中国领导人决不当李鸿章，表明了中国政府收回香港、维护中国主权与统一的坚定立场。以后，邓小平又驳回了英方“以主权换治权”的要求，使中英关于香港问题的谈判朝着1997年顺利回归、“一国两制”的方向稳步发展……     

充分认识实现两岸统一的复杂性、艰巨性与必然性

自邓小平同志提出,以“一国两制”的科学构想实现国家的和平统一之后,极大加快了国家统一的历史进程。“一国两制”已被香港、澳门的同胞所接受,香港、澳门的回归已指日可待,只有祖国大陆与台湾两岸统一问题没有解决。不过,近几年来两岸关系尽管风云不定,     

为早日实现祖国统一而奋斗

香港、澳门的顺利回归从根本上说是祖国大陆国力不断增强的结果,也为推动两岸统一奠定了坚实的基础。一国两制在香港和澳门回归中显示了其强大的生命力,为了最终完成祖国的统一大业,我们必须积极向台湾同胞宣传一国两制,尽快推动两岸统一。台湾与祖国大陆统一与港澳的     

澳门回归的启示

1999年间月20日，中国对澳门恢复行使主权，澳门回到祖国的怀抱。中国人民在自己的领土上彻底终结殖民统治，彻底洗刷了殖民统治带给中华民族的耻辱。重温澳门的沧桑历史和回归历程，给每一个爱国者以深刻的启迪。一、中国对澳门的主权从未丧失过，葡萄牙人占领澳门并享有居住和治权，是通过行贿手段和讹骗伎俩取得的香港和澳门都是回归问题，都是恢复行使主权问题，但香港问题和澳门问题不同，主要表现在主权问题上。中国政府从来没有放弃过对澳门的国家主权。l、自葡萄牙人居留澳门后，中国政府没有放弃对澳门的主权，而是有效地实施了对…     

“一国两制”是长期不变的国策

在实现祖国的统一问题上,中国共产党一再向海内外宣示:由邓小平同志代表中国共产党提出的和平统一、"一国两制"构想是一项长期的国策。而在"一国两制"构想中,有一个十分重要的内容,就是在恢复行使对香港、澳门的主权及实现海峡两岸和平统一后,对香港、澳门和台湾的政策坚持50年不变。邓小平在一些谈话     

“一国两制”与两岸统一刍议

"一国两制"本来是为解决台湾问题而提出的创造性构想,却首先用之于解决香港问题,继而用之于解决澳门问题,从而形成了"一国两制"的香港模式和澳门模式,即"港澳模式"。一段时间以来,中国大陆在一些正式场合较少提及"一国两制",以至于有人认为中国大陆已经放弃将"一国两制"作为未来两岸统一的方案,甚至有人认为中国大陆的"一国两制"在台湾问题上已经失败了。鉴于台湾对"一国两制"的各种误解和歪曲言论,     

关于“一国两制”的几点思考

20世纪80年代,邓小平提出了"一国两制"的伟大构想,作为中国特色社会主义理论的重要组成部分,闪耀着辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义的光芒,指引着实现祖国和平统一大业的前进方向。这一构想当时是针对台湾问题提出的,但是首先被成功运用于解决香港和澳门问题。1997年香港和1999年澳门的顺利回归,回归以来香港、澳门的繁荣稳定,充分证明了"一国两制"的正确性和科学性。     

辩证理解“一国两制”台湾方案

"和平统一、一国两制"是实现国家统一的最佳方式。"一国两制"作为中国特色社会主义理论体系重要组成部分,经香港、澳门两部基本法加以法制化、具体化,经港澳特别行政区实践与验证,已经由理论构想进入全面实践,但如何应用于台湾还在探讨。     

《“一国两制”理论的实践与创新研究》书摘

<正>内容介绍:本书以"一国两制"理论在港澳实践及对台海问题解决的借鉴——基于国家治理体系现代化的视角为研究角度,对"一国两制"的理论与实践进行创新性研究。认为"一国两制"在香港、澳门的落实应从国家统一理论逐步向国家治理理论转化。港澳回归后,国家统一和主权问题基本解决,面临更多的是治理问题。特别是如何差异化、层次化、阶段化应对香港、澳门出     

One Formula,Two Experiences: political divergence of Hong Kong and Macao since retrocession

Since the return of Hong Kong's sovereignty to the People's Republic of China, the territory's political development has diverged from that of Macao. The poverty of leadership, state–society confrontations, deinstitutionalization and Beijing's explicit intervention have marked Hong Kong's political development from 1997 to 2004. Since April 2004, the Hong Kong governing style has converged with that of Macao in terms of its pragmatism. Although Macao's political development is characterized by leadership finesse, state–society partnership and institutionalization, its relatively weak civil society and lack of democratic reforms are by no means an attractive ‘one country, two systems’ model to Taiwan; nor does Hong Kong's ‘one country, two systems’ appeal to the Republic of China. Yet, the political corruption and chaos that punctuate Taiwan's democracy have failed to have any positive demonstration effect on Hong Kong and Macao. While the models of Hong Kong and Macao are bound to diverge from that of Taiwan, political development in the two Chinese Special Administrative Regions is gradually converging.     

试论妨害出入边境管理犯罪及其防治

妨害出入边境管理犯罪 ,危害国家正常的出入边境管理秩序 ,属于跨境犯罪。它不但对我国内地造成危害 ,而且也祸及港、澳、台地区 ,甚至给国际社会带来一定后果。此类犯罪产生的原因具有多样性和复杂性 ,应从宣传教育、严厉打击、海防控制、严格出入边境检查、加强队伍建设、规范出入边境中介活动、加强内地与港澳台的区际合作等方面着手 ,有效地加以防范和治理     

民主党派如何做好“一国两制”条件下港澳统战工作

新形势下,作为初级阶段的"一国两制"面临着日益复杂多变的国际背景,还有各种不稳定因素或突发事件,需要协调处理好各方面关系,在实践中不断摸索与完善。民主党派作为我国社会政治生活中的一支重要力量,应进一步发挥独特优势,做好"一国两制"条件下港澳统战工作,确保爱国、爱港、爱澳力量的优势地位,巩固香港、澳门以爱国者为主体的"港人治港"、"澳人治澳"的坚实社会基础。     

人民法院对收养行为的审查权探析

收养必须符合收养成立的实质要件,并同时履行收养法定程序,才能产生法律效力。我国收养法规定收养以向县级以上人民政府民政部门办理登记为形式要件,没有规定人民法院对收养行为的审查权,这与我国港、澳、台地区收养制度存在冲突,与世界主要发达国家对收养的国家监督主义色彩日渐浓厚的趋势不相吻合。立法上有必要明确赋予人民法院对收养行为的审查权,取消收养登记机关宣告收养无效的权力。     

Hong Kong's policy possibilities and directions toward the mainland‐Taiwan conflict

On 1 July 1997, Hong Kong was returned from British colonial rule to Chinese rule under the sovereignty of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The change in political status of Hong Kong has great impacts on the triangular relationship between Hong Kong, the mainland and Taiwan, in which the mainland and Taiwan are still in a state of intense political conflict and competition. This paper examines the policy possibilities and directions for Hong Kong as a Special Administrative Region of the PRC in handling its relations with Taiwan. It argues that both Beijing and Taipei want to preserve the existing Hong Kong‐Taiwan relations for political and practical purposes but at the same time will try to avoid being forced into a suspected political trap—for Beijing the recognition of Taiwan as an independent political entity and for Taipei the subordination of Taiwan to PRC sovereignty. Between these two baselines, the paper points out that Hong Kong should pursues its own Taiwan policy built upon the interests of Hong Kong and depoliticization of Hong Kong‐Taiwan relations.     

A Successful Social Experiment

Under the concept of one country, two systems, first put forward by late Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping to achieve China's reunification, the main part of the country must continue under socialism while a capitalist system has been allowed to exist in certain areas, including Hong Kong and Macao. Ieong Wan Chong, Director of the Center of Studies of One Country, Two Systems at Macao Polytechnic Institute, shares his insights on how this policy has been successfully implemented in Macao over the last 10 years.     

“一国两制”的内涵及其发展

"一国两制"是我党本着实事求是的基本路线,制定的实现祖国统一的基本方针,它具有四个基本内涵。"一国两制"成功解决了香港和澳门问题后,在解决台湾问题上,随着形势的变化而产生的五个方面的发展,这些发展体现了实事求是、与时俱进的马克思主义理论品质。     

The Role of a Political Interest Group in Democratization of China and Hong Kong: the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China

The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China (HKASPDM) is a cross-border political interest group advocating for democratization in both mainland China and Hong Kong. It was involved in the bold rescue of mainland democrats out of the PRC shortly after the June 1989 Tiananmen crackdown; it constantly exerts pressure on the PRC government to release its political prisoners; it has been influencing the Hong Kong government on the scope and pace of democratization; it communicates with and subsidizes overseas Chinese groups supportive of democratic reforms in China; it is persistently educating the younger generations of Hong Kong and most importantly mainland visitors to Hong Kong on the 1989 Tiananmen tragedy; and its supporters have attempted to cross the border of Hong Kong to Macao to influence the policy of the Chinese government toward political prisoners. As a political interest group based in Hong Kong with cross-border influences on both the mainland and Macao, the Alliance has been making full use of the available political space and freedom of assembly in Hong Kong to achieve their ultimate objective of having a ‘democratic China’. Its existence in the HKSAR is an indication of a certain degree of political tolerance by both the Hong Kong government and Beijing, which have to be very careful of the need to maintain an image of the feasible formula of ‘one country, two systems’ in Hong Kong.     

A “greater China“?

This paper sees “Greater China” as a would‐be reunited China that includes the present PRC, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao. The coming into being of a “Greater China” hinges on future domestic politics in the PRC and Taiwan and among the triangle of Beijing‐Taipei‐Hong Kong. It also hinges on American, British, and Japanese policies addressing the current trends of economic integration and political accommodation among the three Chinese entities. Of the external variables, future U.S. politics toward the PRC, and toward the evolution of political exchanges on the Beijing‐Taipei trajectory will be the most decisive. Economic and political developments in the past fifteen years have brightened the prospect of Chinese reunification, but national reunification remains a complicated and protracted process.     

施叔青：香港经验和台湾叙事——兼说世界华文创作中的“施叔青现象”

施叔青是出生于台湾、入籍于美国并一度定居于香港的著名作家.在她完成"香港三部曲"之后返归台湾矢志写作"台湾三部曲".本文以施氏返台后创作的两部长篇小说<微醺彩妆>和<行过洛津>("台湾三部曲"之一)作为讨论对象,探讨施氏的香港经验对她台湾叙事的意义、影响和局限,分析此两部作品的特点和不足,并将施氏的"跨越写作"作为世界华文创作中的一种文化现象进行分析.