欧盟扩大中的“歧视性差异化”——以东扩中劳动力自由流动的过渡性限制为例

欧盟的扩大进程产生了"歧视性差异化"现象,即在特定政策领域进行过渡性安排,对新成员国应享受的权利施加一定的限制。在东扩中,欧盟内部以及新老成员国之间围绕劳动力自由流动问题分歧不断。为了顺利完成扩大,欧盟对新成员国的劳动力自由流动设定了过渡性限制,形成"歧视性差异化"。扩大进程中产生的利益分配冲突是歧视性差异化产生的根源。在欧盟的具体政策领域,扩大对成员国产生了不同的影响,从而引发利益分配冲突,导致成员国成为相对的"受益者"或"受损者"。为此,欧盟借助过渡性安排来限制新成员国的特定权利,以对扩大中的相对利益受损国进行补偿。过渡性限制是解决扩大中分歧的工具之一,但对欧盟也具有负面影响,不仅导致"歧视性成员国身份"的出现,而且进一步强化了欧盟的"差异性一体化"特征。     

欧盟所得税法初探

欧盟所得税法指协调成员国所得税法的欧共体基础条约、二级立法以及欧洲法院判例的总称。欧盟所得税法对于欧洲共同市场实现人员、资本和服务自由流动具有重要意义。欧盟部长理事会颁布了数个旨在协调成员国所得税税制的指令。欧洲法院借助于共同体法有关服务、人员和资本自由流动的规则来消除成员国国内所得税法和成员国间的税收协定中阻碍共同市场发展的因素。欧盟所得税法进行了多边税务合作的尝试,发展了传统的税法概念和税收争端解决机制。但是,共同体缺乏协调直接税的专有权限,理事会颁布相关指令需要满足“一致同意”的立法程序,因而欧盟层面上的所得税法发展缓慢。欧元的启动消除了欧元区的汇率和利率风险,为资本自由流动创造了条件,也对欧盟成员国所得税法的协调提出了新的要求。     

欧盟外资安全审查立法草案及其法律基础的适当性

2017年9月13日,欧盟委员会公布首部在欧盟层面建立外资安全审查机制并且试图协调成员国外资安全审查机制的条例草案。欧盟委员会背离原先处理主权财富基金的立场,将共同商业政策作为立法草案的法律基础,并且认为欧盟具有专属权能并采取共同决策的立法程序。对欧盟立法措施及其缔结的国际协定而言,法律基础的选择极为重要,不适当的法律基础将导致法令无效。鉴于外资安全审查也涉及欧盟资本自由流动规则,本文通过比较欧洲联盟基础条约和欧洲联盟法院的判例法,特别是2017年第2/15号意见来分析该立法草案法律基础的适当性。文章认为,欧盟外资安全审查立法草案构成欧盟法单方面承诺资本自由流动的"后退"措施,其法律基础应是《欧洲联盟运行条约》第64条,而非共同商业政策。     

《欧盟外资安全审查条例》与资本自由流动原则的不兼容性

《欧盟外资安全审查条例》已于2019年4月10日生效,其目的是在欧盟层面建立外资安全审查框架,并且协调成员国外资安全审查机制,赋予欧盟委员会对外资安全审查的咨询权力。欧盟条例授权成员国与委员会在审查时考虑外国直接投资对关键基础设施、关键技术、防务投入品、敏感信息和媒体多样性的可能影响,考虑外国投资者是否被外国政府直接或间接控制,这些考虑因素隐含了经济安全与非现实威胁的考量。这种扩大性的解释方式,有悖于欧盟法院的判例法。《欧盟外资安全审查条例》还难以通过涉及资本自由流动原则的比例原则测试,并且与基础条约中的开业自由原则以及与不得强迫成员国提供有悖于其根本安全利益的信息的规则相冲突。通过对《欧盟外资安全审查条例》与欧盟基础条约和判例法的比较分析,本文认为,不仅欧盟委员会在中短期很难取得外资安全审查的最终决策权,而且《欧盟外资安全审查条例》存在与包括资本自由流动原则在内的欧盟既有成文法与判例法的一致性问题。     

欧洲经济宪法的发展及其对共同市场的规制——以自由竞争与自由流动为例

"经济宪法"概念是德国弗莱堡学派用于整合其秩序自由主义思想的核心工具,它对"欧洲经济宪法"的形成和发展发挥了重要影响。由于欧盟是一个"没有国家的市场",法律在对市场的规制方面发挥的作用就愈加重要。在欧盟半个多世纪的发展过程中,"欧洲经济宪法"也愈益完善,并以自由竞争与自由流动这两个原则为核心,建构了一系列规范共同市场、成员国与私人经济体之间关系的宪法性原则,从而在保障欧洲市场统一的同时,也有效地实现了保护个人自由等政治目的。     

美国法律对劳工自由流动所加限制的历史演变——"自由资本主义阶段"之真实性质疑

与同时代的英国法律相比,美国法律从殖民地时代到19世纪给了自由劳工以较大的流动自由,但是普通法的不可分合同原则和合同中的丧失条款对劳工的自由流动仍然施加了限制.直到19世纪末和20世纪初,由于各州工资支付法的通过、任意雇用原则的广泛应用,以及西北条例、州宪法和美国宪法修正案对自由劳工的保护得到了愈来愈多的立法和司法支持,劳工自由流动的法律障碍才得以基本扫除.美国法律在19世纪对劳工自由流动的限制显示:将19世纪的美国视为"自由资本主义"阶段的传统观点有待商榷.     

个人数据跨境传输的欧盟标准——规则建构、司法推动与范式扩张

个人数据保护标准是欧盟基本权利保护的制度体现。欧盟数据跨境传输规则和欧洲法院司法监管均以实现欧盟个人数据保护标准为要旨。数据传输的一般原则是针对出境数据的永久最低保护标准,充分性决定和标准数据保护条款是欧盟贯彻个人数据保护标准的法律工具。前者整体适用于特定国家,后者个别适用于特定商事主体,欧洲法院司法审查旨在实现对数据流动的全球监管。中国数据立法须全面研判欧盟数据保护立法模式的潜在风险,谨慎对待充分性决定、标准数据保护条款等具有欧盟特色的复杂法律工具,摆脱法律移植欧陆成文法的历史惯性,避免盲目借鉴《一般数据保护条例》而落入欧洲法院司法审查的长臂管辖。数据流动立法应全盘统筹个人数据与非个人数据流动立法方案,探寻价值中立规则以提供法律趋同新思路,引领数据立法的全球竞争。     

多元法律秩序与欧盟法治的局限性

在欧洲一体化过程中,法治逐渐成为欧盟的一项重要价值与原则。但是,由于欧盟权能上的授权原则、欧盟法治演进的历史特征等原因导致了欧盟法治在不同领域的不均衡性以及欧盟存在的多元法律秩序,欧盟法治存在着不可避免的局限性。这种局限性是否会导致欧盟出现一种新的法治范式,目前尚不清楚。但只要欧盟多元主义赖以存在的基础不变,欧盟多元主义法律秩序与法治多样性的存在将是一个长期现象。而多元法治意味着法律秩序内必须有某种宽容,不能试图以一种模式来取代其他模式,或以其中一种模式来评判其他模式的优劣,否则有可能会导致欧盟内部新的紧张与矛盾,并进而影响欧洲的一体化。     

海洋自由制度的完善：内涵、主体与动力——基于对海洋政治历史的研究

海洋自由是现代海洋秩序的原则之一,其内涵包括和平时期《联合国海洋法公约》（以下称《公约》）赋予各国在不同海域不同程度的权利;以及战争时期,在规范海上封锁基础上,中立国船只自由航行和贸易的权利。从海洋政治的历史演进来看,先后有四个部分进入海洋自由完善的进程之中：提出海洋自由原则、界定海洋自由的权利边界、否定私掠与海盗以及...     

欧洲公司法一体化的困境与前景分析：以欧盟有限责任公司法的立法过程为例

在欧盟层面统一公司法是欧盟多年来的目标。欧盟中小企业在选择内控工具与构建企业法律形式上遇到了法律缺失、费用巨大等障碍。欧盟有限责任公司为满足中小企业在欧盟内的运作设计,它将建构统一的法律框架,但欧洲公司法一体化的实现仍然面临着许多障碍,这也尤其体现在欧盟有限责任公司法的立法过程中,不仅在创设新的公司结构时,协调与统一的过程特别艰难,而且各国在许多问题上难以达成统一的意见,但欧洲公司法一体化的过程始终得到了欧盟立法者与欧洲法院的支持。欧盟有限责任公司法的产生将开启欧盟层面公司法一体化的新一轮进程。     

Arbeitnehmerfreizügigkeit und Diskriminierung auf dem deutschen Arbeitsmarkt – Europäische Politik,transnationaler Mobilitätsraum und nationales Feld

The paper deals with the interaction of horizontal and vertical European integration. It asks whether the principle of free movement of labour does not only legally but also de facto prevent discrimination of non-nationals in EU Member States. Theoretically, the analysis is framed by distinguishing three interrelated types of social fields: a supranational political field of free movement of labour, national labour market fields and an intermediary transnational space of mobility. Focusing on the German labour market and drawing on comprehensive administrative data the article shows that wage differences are to a large extend caused by differences in relevant labour market characteristics such as age or education. However, for the vast majority of EU non-nationals in Germany is also observed discrimination in payment. Strikingly, positive discrimination is more pronounced than negative discrimination. These differences are understood as hinting at the increasing importance of comparisons between national labour markets in the EU.     

Immigration and Swiss‐EU Free Movement of Persons: Question of a Safeguard Clause

The issue of migration is a current topic in different European countries. In this paper, we concentrate on the case of Switzerland. After the adoption of the Mass Immigration Initiative on 9 February 2014, Switzerland is faced with a challenging task. It needs to implement the constitutional mandate to manage migration autonomously, although Switzerland has a bilateral free movement of persons agreement with the EU. We present an approach to a solution for discussion. The basic idea is to maintain the principle of freedom of movement without fixed quotas or national priority but with a safeguard clause for (statistically) exceptional situations. An exceptional situation occurs if serious social, economic or political difficulties arise. As an objective method to determine serious difficulties, we choose an excessive percentage in net migration, defined on the basis of the situation in the EU/EFTA. If the net migration in Switzerland is getting excessive, the safeguard clause could be called. In addition, we take other factors into account such as the amount of the EU/EFTA foreigners and the labor market.     

Organised Labour,Dualisation and Labour Market Reform: Korean Trade Union Strategies in Economic and Social Crisis

Labour markets across industrialised countries have seen an increasing polarisation between insiders and outsiders as a result of labour market deregulation and welfare retrenchment, with governments responding to rising pressure from employers. But where are trade unions in this process of labour market deregulation and dualisation? Insider/outsider as well as producer coalition approaches portray organised labour as a structurally conservative force that is ready to prioritise the interests of insiders at the expense of those at the margins of the labour market. Rather than protecting the entire working class, unions are seen as being “complicit” in labour market dualisation that leaves an ever greater number of workers vulnerable. Our examination of the Korean case, though commonly perceived as an example of unions pursuing particularistic interests, does not comply with this image, but shows greater union inclusiveness in the face of socio-economic and socio-political challenges. Understanding the change in Korean trade union strategies, we highlight the critical importance of union identities shifting towards social movement unionism, in addition to the perceived imperative to revitalise the movement in order to remain a meaningful social force.     

Pursuing Post-democratisation: The Resilience of Politics by Public Security in Contemporary South Korea

This article analyses the disputed election of President Park Geun-hye and her administration’s confrontation of left-nationalist politicians and other social movements during her first year in office. We argue that the Park administration’s policies resonate with contemporary discussions of “post-democratisation,” a process whereby social rights are increasingly subordinated to market logics and state power insulated from popular challenges. Under the conservative governments of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye, this process has been animated by a mode of confrontation known in South Korea as “politics by public security.” This politics targets social conflict and political dissent as threats to national security and has involved both illegal interventions by state institutions – such as the 2012 electoral interference by state agencies including the National Intelligence Service – and a cultural politics that affirms but revises the narrative of Korean democratisation by obfuscating the nature of the democracy movement and by attempting to restore the honour of conservative forces associated with former dictatorships. In order to better understand this conjuncture, we explore its origin within a tacit alliance between both former public security prosecutors-cum-conservative politicians and a movement of conservative intellectuals known as the New Right.     

The regional politics of scale: revisiting the functional aspects of the labour market dualism

This article seeks to revisit Arthur Lewis’s theory of labour market dualism, while focusing on human resource development in the form of labour productivity, to explain its usefulness in the Caribbean Community’s (CARICOM) contemporary policy discourses around non-economic integration in an era that is now classified as the Caribbean Educational Policy Space. The focus is on how key assumptions around labour productivity, and the lessons that can be deduced from analysing historical and contemporary policy initiatives, present plausible applicability to an expanding Caribbean single market and the proposed creation of the Caribbean single economy. In focusing on the discursive elements of labour productivity, it is contextualized that the free movement of skilled labour within CARICOM illustrates labour market dualism.     

Facing Globalization: More Social Capital and the Ability to Act as a Global Player as Response from the EU

Some people think that more unfettered competition in the form of competition of systems is needed to respond to globalization. Federalists, on the other hand, think that a European polity should be based on the principles of autonomy, cooperation, subsidiarity and participation. Essential to the future competitiveness of Europe will be the accumulation of social capital. Social capital is the propensity of people to cooperate for common purposes. Its main features are social justice, trust, civic engagement and tolerance. A federal structure and a reformed welfare state would best fit the accumulation of social capital. But internal structural adjustment of Europe is not sufficient. The EU, as the world's largest economic entity, should acquire the capacity to actively influence the ongoing process of globalization according to its own values and interests. Therefore, the EU should become a global player. But a “global player EU” is not possible until member states can agree to further integration of “high politics”.     

The welfare systems of the Baltic states following the recent financial crisis of 2008–2010: expansion or retrenchment?

ABSTRACT

This article aims to uncover major social security system reforms that were implemented following the recent financial and economic crisis of 2008–2010 and the post crisis period. Additionally, it explores the dynamics of the socioeconomic situation during the last 10 years, looking at how Baltic states compare with each other and how they compare with other central and eastern European countries in the EU. The findings show that retrenchment is difficult even during times of crisis. Although the Baltic states were affected by the crisis, especially Latvia and Lithuania, their social security institutions did not experience any structural shift.     

Europeanisation of German labour market policy? The European employment strategy scrutinised

Considerable policy change has been initiated with the recent labour market reforms in Germany. Discussing these reforms, commentators focused on the national factors driving these changes, while the ‘European’ dimension of labour market policy-making was largely neglected. By contrast, in the literature on European social policy, the capacity of the European Employment Strategy (EES) to contribute to domestic policy change is much discussed. Accordingly, this article asks whether the neglect of the EES in the labour market policy literature results in incomplete explanations of policy change; or, put differently, did the EES possess the capacity to effectively Europeanise German labour market policy? It is concluded that the EES did not possess the capacity to Europeanise German labour market policy to any significant extent. Thus, its neglect appears to reflect the insignificance of the EES so far.     

GCC‐EU political cooperation: myth or reality?

Arab hopes of an emerging multipolar international system after the Cold War were immediately dashed by the second Gulf War. The US proved to be the indispensable guarantor of security, especially for the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Nevertheless, the EU and the GCC had engaged in a successful relationship since their formal cooperation agreement in 1988. The following article gives an insight into the priorities of both. Furthermore, it asks whether the numerous political declarations of the EU‐GCC Joint Council are more compensation for stalemate in the free trade negotiations than the expression of real political ambition, with the GCC mainly interested in using the EU as an element of counterbalance and the EU primarily concerned with safe energy supplies. Finally, the article examines the probability of continuing European junior partnership with the US or a more equal role in the Gulf area—either through European initiative or an increasing American reluctance to make sacrifices in order to secure the oil flow to European economic competitors.     

Market Social Democracy: The Transformation of the SPD up to 2007

The article analyses the changes within German social democracy up to the passing of the SPD's new party programme in 2007. It argues that social democracy has transformed itself from Keynesian into ‘market social democracy’. The comparison takes place by means of a policy analysis in the fields of labour and social, as well as financial, policies. Furthermore, the policy comparison facilitates an analysis of the rationality of the political economy on which these policies are based. It demonstrates that market social democracy represents a reconfiguration of the relationship between the market, the state and the individual, one that renews the social realm with elements of economic liberalism. This process is also reflected in the new party programme, which now includes basic assumptions of German ordoliberalism.