Mnemonic Representation of Posthistorical Experience in Contemporary Chinese Fictional Histories

This paper examines how memory is used as a representational paradigm and transgressive aesthetic strategy in three fictional histories (Ge Fei's Marginality , Su Tong's 'Nineteen Thirty-four Escape' and Qiao Liang's 'The Mourning-flag') to rewrite Chinese historical past. The paper argues that contemporary preoccupation with memory and history in literary writings should be seen in a broader sociohistorical context as both reflecting and contributing to the posthistorical experience of contemporary China. The Chinese posthistorical experience is defined here as a profound crisis of Chinese Marxist historicism effected by the rupture between the Marxist philosophy of history and contemporary Chinese reality of uneven development towards modernization. The current obsession with memory and past should also be viewed as part of the rise of historical investigation of the dispossessed social groups such as ethnic groups, women, and social minorities.     

寻根小说中的民俗记忆与守望

寻根小说是新时期文学中重要的文学与文化现象,在这一思潮中有大量民间习俗的潜伏。本文以扎西达娃、余华,苏童等典型性文本为例,来铺展寻根小说中的民俗特色,揭开寻根小说的信仰习俗、巫傩习俗,鬼异文化等民俗学植被,肯定其在物质化时代对精神厚度和人文底色的守望。     

Metropolarities: The Troubled Lot and Beijing Bicycle

This paper reads Qiu Huadong's novel, The Troubled Lot and Wang Xiaoshuai's film, Beijing Bicycle in the light of contemporary theories on space/place. It addresses broader issues of the dynamic and dialectic relationship between text/representation and the city, and how the text/representation contributes both to understanding and constituting the city. Through textual readings, the paper addresses how the fiction/film represents new urban spaces in contemporary China, and how urban spaces are produced through socioeconomic forces, global influences, spatial practices, and cultural representation. The paper argues that in representing the new urban spaces, these texts critique the modern city but also contribute to the formation of its diverse urban spaces. The paper also detects an emergence of a ‘Beijing discourse’ that focuses on depiction and representation of the city's transformation from the historical/political city to the new global/commercial metropolis, of which the two works under discussion are part.     

文以载吾道:唐文标的“寻根”与伦理重建

本文通过梳理唐文标在20世纪60至80年代的思想路径,试图揭开唐文标在两岸文学、文化史上被遮蔽的先锋作用。从1960年代的“寻根”“回归现实”,到1970年代的“文以载道”“重建桃花源”,再到1980年代的“集体救赎”“伦理重建”,唐文标始终是台湾文学与现代文化敏锐的研究者和坚定的实践者。通过重新认识唐文标,我们得以重估保钓的精神遗产,重新认识台湾现代文学和文化史中走过的歧路和迄今悬而未决的问题。唐文标晚年从台湾民变史和中国戏剧史中看到建立适应时代的伦理秩序和文化制度的重要性和迫切性,实际是尝试从中华文明史的角度提出人的困境的解方。他一生的创作,正是实践自己“道”的写照。     

Touching stones to cross the river: Evolving telecommunication policy priorities in contemporary China

This article, drawing on fieldwork in China, charts the ascendancy of Lian Tong (China Unicom), the first competitor to the incumbent Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications. Commencing with an historical overview of Chinese telecommunications, it suggests that Lian Tong's formation has been contingent upon support from key constituencies within China's political elite. The company's emergence mirrors technological trends and user pressure evident globally. It embodies the drive towards market liberalisation now evident within the Peoples’ Republic. While the Chinese policy community is sensible of the need to make haste slowly toward the goal of telecommunications competition — ‘touching stones to cross the river’ in the contemporary aphorism — the success of this ‘policy experiment’ depends both on the subtleties of Chinese politics and the construction of bold new regulatory frameworks. Lian Tong's genesis is symbolic of developments in the telecommunications sector, and maybe also more generally in the Chinese economy.     

Leaders,coalition politics,and policy‐formulation in China: The great leap forward revisited

This article is a detailed critique of the thesis contained in David Bachman's book on the origins of the Great Leap Forward (GLF). By adopting the so‐called “neo‐institutional” approach, Bachman argues that Li Fuchun and Bo Yibo, leaders of a “Planning and Heavy Industry Coalition” “which had defeated a rival “Finance Coalition “ in 1957, were responsible for initiating and determining the development strategy of the GLF. It follows that Mao's role in the “leap” was very limited; the GLF was made possible when he gave official blessing to the programs of the victorious coalition. The author examines the historical and documentary sources on the GLF to demonstrate the contradictions contained in Bachman's theoretical framework, and the many faulty ways he interprets the data. He argues that Bachman's attempt to debunk the Mao‐dominant model in policy‐making during the GLF is a failure.     

多维性别批评视角下的A.S.拜厄特小说解读

对性取向、女性的自由与权利、男性的性别困境与焦虑以及两性之间关系的探讨是拜厄特小说中非常值得研究的一部分。在关注每个个体在不同历史时期所面临的性别问题的同时,拜厄特实现了对英国社会历史变迁的忠实记载。     

The defensive regime and modernization

This paper argues against both conservative and liberal theories of modernization expressed in the “new authoritarianism debate” on the eve of the 1989 Chinese Student Movement. The paper argues that a defensive authoritarian regime, that is a regime that can only rely on and is able to base its survival on performance legitimacy, can lead a successful modernization. Comparing development experiences of historical Taiwan to that of the current mainland China, this paper analyzes the historical background, sources of constraints as well as autonomies of the state power that facilitated the formation of defensive regimes in the historical Taiwan and the current mainland China.     

China after Deng: Some perspectives∗

Deng Xiaoping's succession arrangement is different from the typical practice of the supreme leader of a dictatorship. Instead of occupying the highest leadership position himself until his death, Deng has let his “successor” assume office as the supreme leader while he is still alive and influential. Such an arrangement will help avoid a succession crisis and political upheavals upon Deng's death. In addition, the current market‐oriented economic reforms are very unlikely to be reversed in post‐Deng's China because of four factors: (1) public support of the reforms; (2) the vested interest of the “prince party” in the reforms; (3) the new leadership's commitment to the reforms; and (4) the constitutionalization of the reforms. However, there are three major sources of social unrest, which may lead to some political turbulence in the post‐Deng period. These sources are the “June 4th Incident” of 1989, public demand for an end of corruption and for political liberalization, and some socio‐economic problems brought about by the on‐going economic reforms. Although there will be periodical events of socio‐political turbulence, they are unlikely to drag China into a long period of instability or lead to a split of the nation.     

新发展阶段城镇文化空间塑造:政策变迁、复合层次及集成路径北大核心SSCI

改革开放以来,我国的城镇文化空间经历了从“忽视”“发现”“重视”到“塑造”的政策变迁历程。基于城镇文化空间塑造,实现以城镇“文化共同体”构建城镇“生活共同体”,是新发展阶段城镇文化空间塑造的重要目标和实践进路。本质上,城镇化是特定城镇界面上关于“美好生活主体”的历史记忆重构和活动空间塑造的实践过程,城镇文化空间的想象、嵌入和塑造是城镇化的基本维度,是价值理性和技术理性的统一。目前,城镇文化空间所遭遇的“交换价值”生产优于“使用价值”生产的市场逻辑、“经济增长”先于“文化提升”的内在偏好以及“城市发展的内在张力就是空间资本化”的叠加危机,已经成为城镇文化空间塑造亟须破解的难题。通过建构城镇文化空间塑造的整体框架,重新审视城镇文化空间的属性、功能与维度,重塑城镇文化空间理念及其实践路径,必将为有效激活城镇文化资源和建设城镇“生活共同体”提供文化支撑。     

Dispelling misconceptions about the red guard movement: The necessity to re‐examine cultural revolution factionalism and periodization

This paper argues that the Chinese Communist Party's 1981 official definition of the “Cultural Revolution” was a gross distortion of historical reality. In presenting the “Cultural Revolution” mainly as one of power struggle among the ruling elite, the official version denies that there were serious conflicts within society. It also covers up the fact that a main thrust of the violence in 1966–69 was directed against what the Rebel Red Guards called “the bureaucratic class” or the “red capitalist class”. The re‐periodization of the “Cultural Revolution” from three years (1966–69) to ten years (1966–76) was a conscious attempt to try to obfuscate what actually happened in the years from 1966 to 1969.

By manipulating historical facts, even today the CCP is able to continue to suppress members of the Rebel Faction, who had led in challenging the ruling authorities in the Sixties. The last major suppression of rebels took place in the mid‐Eighties in the political campaign to “Weed Out the Three Types of People”. The Party was able to do so with ease because Chinese society has accepted its distorted version of Chinese history.

The article ends by poiting out how this distorted history of the Cultural Revolution has had a pernicious effect on the democracy movement in China.     

当代公安文学主体多样性的生成及其原因

公安文学是中国当代文学艺术的重要组成部分,发轫于二十世纪五十年代,“文革”中遭到压制,改革开放后获得复苏和发展。伴随着社会环境及文学环境的变迁,公安文学作品中的人物主体性也呈现多样性发展。五十年代公安文学作品中主体单一,多为“高大全”的人民警察形象。八十年代后,警察形象的构成走向多元与多向,时常表现为带有人性弱点的英雄形象。进入九十年代,公安文学的主体范畴进一步扩大,一方面警察形象在公安文学作品中的比重减小,另一方面,与案件相关的各色人物,包括灰色人物和犯罪嫌疑人的比重不断增加。公安文学作品中的主体多样性不仅是社会与历史交汇碰撞下的公安文学特殊性质的合理展现,同时也体现出社会现代化进程和社会文化环境的变迁力量。     

Hegelianism and Chinese intellectual discourse: A study of Li Zehou

This article is a study of Li Zehou, a significant Marxist cultural theorist in contemporary China, focusing on his critical interpretations of Kant's epistemology, ethics and philosophy of history. It argues that Li is actually a Hegelian, not a Kantian Marxist as he is generally considered. The Kantian principle of subjectivity, cognitive and moral, is reconstructed by Li within a Hegelian discourse of historicism and based upon a Marxist concept of practice. In holding an intellectual presupposition of the teleological view of history, Kant's notion of “the history of reason,” as a subjective faith for regulating an agent's moral actions, is misunderstood as an objective. Hegelian idea of historical necessity. The end of the inevitable process of history, according to Li's practical philosophy of subjectivity, is in the aesthetic realm, that is, an ideal state characterized by the unity of nature and freedom.     

中国社会跨越资本主义"卡夫丁峡谷"的依据

中国跨越资本主义“卡夫丁峡谷”进入社会主义，是符合历史发展规律的。我们必须尊重历史发展的普遍规律，既要从本民族的实际出发，善于抓住和利用历史提供的机遇，又应敢于进行理论和实践的创新，创造历史的奇迹，迎接中华民族的腾飞。     

Rewriting Beijing: a spectacular city in Qiu Huadong's urban fiction

The rise of urban fiction in Chinese literary writings of the 1990s is certainly an important phenomenon, closely related to rapid urbanization as well as changes in the literary zeitgeist. However, what distinguishes the urban fiction of the 1990s is the foregrounding of the city itself, in that the city has come to the central place to become the chief object of representation. This paper examines, through a reading of Qiu Huadong's novel, The City Chariot, the specific ways in which urban fiction and the modern city have come to interact, how the city has created exclusively urban experiences, and how these urban experiences, in their turn, complicate our understanding and representing of the city, and demand a new structure of representation as well as a new relationship to the city. Set against a new metropolitan backdrop, Qiu's novel concentrates on the anxiety and richness of contemporary urban experiences. However, what these new experiences have created are senses of randomness, of terrifying disconnectedness, and of a loss of history. In this perceptive vertigo, the city resists any neat representation; and its images are fragmented to become ‘an untotalizing totality’.     

A dangerous game: Deng and the intellectuals

This article examines one aspect of China's “second revolution” led by Deng Xiaoping: the relationship between the post‐Mao leadership and the intellectuals, who were the most persecuted during the “Cultural Revolution.” When Deng took power in 1978, one tough challenge was to mobilize China's well‐educated men and women for the nation's modernization. New policies toward them were introduced to rekindle their enthusiasm in creative and critical academic activities. The anticipation of a new period of cooperation between the authorities and the intellectuals was, however, dashed by the bloodshed in Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989. Why did Deng, who sought the support of Chinese intellectuals for his modernization program, side with the Party's hard‐liners to order the military crackdown on pro‐democracy demonstrations? Will China's post‐Mao leadership no longer need the intellectuals’ help? This article argues that the Communist Party of China has been playing “a dangerous game of cooperation” with the intellectuals. Despite the tragic events, the game is likely to continue as long as the CCP proceeds with its modernization program and the intellectuals maintain their sense of mission. What remains uncertain is how the next round of game will be played out and who will emerge as the winner.     

从“家庭”走向“社群”——“都市中产全职妈妈”社会参与的路径与价值探析

两百年来的妇女解放道路一直强调妇女要走出家庭、参与生产,但却并未真正回应现代社会养育责任私人化所带来的双重负担问题。本文通过对四川省成都市一个以全职妈妈为主体的志愿者服务队的成立背景、发展路径、积极影响与限制因素的考察,剖析了现代社会城市女性面临的孕产和育儿困境,以及她们如何借助外部环境和资源优势走出私人家庭内部空间,在社区层面上进行支持与互助。这类群体的社会参与和自我成长也为我们反思"家庭—市场"二元悖论下的女性困境及其突破提供了新的可能与方向。     

老病新医:近代中国乳腺癌的治疗变革、知识传播与社会认知

乳腺癌是一种女性容易罹患的恶性疾病。在西方医学传入中国之初,外科手术的安全性和疗效有限,中国人"不敢损伤身体"的传统观念影响西医侵入式疗法在中国的推广。传统中医在乳腺肿瘤诊疗方面的悠久历史和丰富经验仍在发挥作用。西医治疗手段要被中国民众接纳,不仅取决于技术本身,还取决于社会文化因素的嬗变,特别是传统身体观念的突破。20世纪30年代后,伴随对"乳房"的关注和各种渠道对于乳腺癌知识的传播,部分民众建立起乳腺癌"早发现,早治疗"的意识。加之手术和放疗技术的发展,西医治疗逐渐为民众接纳。但在中国不同地区,乳腺癌认知和治疗依然呈现巨大差异。近代中国乳腺癌的治疗变革和知识传播接受,为理解当代中国癌症防治的成就和局限提供了历史视角。     

China's women: A new spirit for a new century

Counting only China's female population, China would still be the second most populous nation on earth. With the implementation of the “Open Door” policy and the introduction of a market economy, Chinese women will gain new opportunities and face unfamiliar obstacles. To adapt, they must be willing to reevaluate traditional roles, and meet these challenges head‐on. Chinese women can learn some from the spirit of western women in their struggle for equality. Like it or not, the reality of “China at the Turn of the Century” will demand changes. This article attempts to (1) draw attention to the changing status of women in China; (2) compare their emerging struggle to that of American women; (3) suggest that Chinese women adopt the spirit of western women to redefine themselves without losing their Chinese identity.     

China's human rights development in the 1990s

The literature on human rights in China is dominated by incriminating documentation of abuses and a lack of theoretical consensus. But China's continuing economic reform has meant the need for Western industrialized countries to adjust their human rights policies on China. Emerging is the shift from the “sanction/isolation” approach to what some would call “positive engagement,” which is aimed at improving China's human rights situation through more international contact. In China, human rights development in the early 1990s can be characterized by the increasing use of Chinese law, and within that legal limit, a more open exercise of dissent and free speech as a basic human right, together with its adverse consequences.