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LIVINGSTONE  DAVID 《African affairs》1955,54(217):306-311
The following account of his visit to the Victoria Falls isextracted from the explorer's "Missionary Travels and Researchesin South Africa." The centenary of his discovery of "Mosioatunya,"—the place where the smoke thunders, and the only place,incidentally, which Livingstone gave an English name to—isbeing celebrated at Livingstone, Southern Rhodesia, next month.  相似文献   

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《中东政策》1995,4(1-2):220-248
Book reviewed in this article:
A Death in Jerusalem by Kati Marton.
Anxious for Armageddon: A Call to Partnership for Middle Eastern and Western Christians, by Donald E. Wagner. Foreword by Elias Chacour.
Israel and Syria: Peace and Security on the Golan, by Aryeh Shalev.
My Enemy'S Enemy: Lebanon in the Early Zionist Imagination, 1900-1948, by Laura Zittrain Eisenberg.
Jordan'S Inter-Arab Relations: The Political Economy of Alliance Making, by Laurie A. Brand.
Desert Warrior, by HRH General Khaled bin Sultan.
The Iraqi Economy under Saddam Hussein: Development or Decline, by Muhammad Al-Zainy.
Global Islamic Politics, by Mir Zohair Husain.
Islam in Revolution: Fundamentalism in the Arab World, by R. Hrair Dekmejian.  相似文献   

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Academic discussions on the relationship between regime type and economic growth of developing countries have been drawn to three linkages, the contribution of a certain type of political authoritarianism to rapid industrial transformation, the trend towards democracy after a long period of sustained economic development, and possible negative economic consequences of democratization itself. There are theoretical reasons to support the first two assertions, but the third proposition is less tenable. The case of Korea shows that democratic changes have resulted in higher consumption, have induced inflationary policy, and have led to wage increases in excess of productivity gains. However, these might well be transitional rather than steady-state phenomena. Political learning can prevent young democracies from becoming captives to distributional coalitions.  相似文献   

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In developing a framework for relations with China since 1997, official UK policy towards China has had two main aims: to develop commercial opportunities for UK companies and to promote 'positive' social and political change in China. Although some have argued that this represents a contradictory set of objectives, the counter argument is found in liberal theory. Economic engagement will create a dense network of transnational interactions that will generate political change in China as it becomes deeply enmeshed in the global economy. If we follow the logic of this approach through, then the UK government has transferred much of the power to attain its stated objectives in relations with China from traditional diplomatic agencies to governmental economic agencies. More important, individual companies, whilst pursuing their own commercial activities, are effectively carrying out government policy in relation to China. Thus, the key actors in post-diplomatic relations with China are increasingly non-state economic actors.  相似文献   

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《中东政策》1994,3(3):125-135
Mr. Kharazi is the Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the United Nations. The following interview was conducted in New York City on September 30, 1994, by Thomas R. Mattair, Director of Research and Policy Analysis of the Middle East Policy Council.  相似文献   

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This article looks at collective memory formation—the study of monuments, memory, and public space—through a political science lens. An explicit theoretical focus on power relations in "monumental politics" and a methodological approach featuring large-N comparative analysis are combined to examine the process of monument creation, destruction, and alteration. Using a new database on monuments in 26 post-communist states over a 25-year period, patterns of monument transformation are identified, and official and private efforts to transform monuments are systematically compared across different regime types. The complex implications of private provision and alteration of monuments is also discussed.  相似文献   

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This paper discusses whether the region which in the 1990s has been called the Visegrád Four is a political and/or cultural whole and if so, in what respects. Using the concepts centre and periphery the paper argues that parts of contemporary Central Europe were political and cultural centres of the European civilisation in previous eras. The interpretation and use of this past in the Central European states' contemporary endeavour to join NATO and the EU is discussed. That historical chronology is superseded by what may be labelled the mythological presence of things past is especially noted.  相似文献   

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美国的信息安全战略具有极强的扩张性.为实现扩张型战略目标,美国已组建全球最强大的"世界信息战略指挥中心",构建了"网络中心战"和覆盖全球的信息网络,正在培训全球最强大的信息化军队,精心研究开发信息战高新技术,研究探索信息战的规律并制定扩张型信息战战略战术.  相似文献   

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俄罗斯在2010年朝鲜半岛两次危机中的外交实践表明,它希望在朝鲜半岛问题上扮演不偏不倚的调解人角色,以获取更大的发言权,达到维护并提高其在东北亚地区的国际地位,为远东地区安全和经济开发创造条件的目标.俄罗斯朝鲜半岛外交的特点在于:以维护南北平衡关系为主要原则;与中国、美国对朝鲜半岛的影响力相比,俄罗斯的作用较小;六方会谈的中断不利于俄罗斯的朝鲜半岛外交;随着战略重心东移,俄罗斯将加强对朝鲜半岛的外交.由于朝鲜半岛地理位置较远,对俄罗斯的战略价值也不是很突出,加上其他国家的限制以及俄罗斯对朝韩两国的影响力有限,俄罗斯在朝鲜半岛问题上很难改变目前边缘化参与者的地位.  相似文献   

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