Amid domestication and Afriexit: whither Nigeria and South Africa on the International Criminal Court?

There is a silent revolution going on among African states regarding the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Some states that previously signed the Statute refused to ratify it. Some that ratified the Statute refused to domesticate it. Some that domesticated it withdrew or threatened to withdraw from it. Some that withdrew from it revoked their withdrawal. The African Union called for the mass withdrawal of African states from the Statute. Amid this storm of domestication and Afriexit, this study probes the question: what will be the status of Nigeria and South Africa on the ICC by 2022, considering the events in these states so far, evidence from data and the spate of domestication and exit procedures in homogeneous African states in contemporary times? The objectives of the study are to predict the status of Nigeria and South Africa by 2022 and reflect on the implication of the predictions for the on-going viability, sustainability and credibility of the ICC. It predicts that Nigeria has a zero per cent indication of domesticating the Statute. South Africa has 100 per cent positive indication to remain an ICC state party.     

Participation of Victims in Pre-Trial Proceedings of the ICC

Victims’ participation is usually celebrated as one ofthe major innovations of the International Criminal Court (ICC)system. It has been regulated in great detail by the draftersof the Rome Statute and the Rules of Procedure and Evidenceof the ICC in relation to trial proceedings. However, few thoughtshave been devoted to the question of how victims’ issuesare dealt with before the commencement of the trial. This contributionseeks to close this gap. It argues that victims have a roleto play in the ICC process from the very beginning of proceedings.Moreover, it seeks to clarify how some of the participatoryrights of victims may be addressed in practice.     

Military Courts and Prosecution of Offences by National Defense Forces in the Dawn of the Complementarity Regime: The Case of Uganda

With the coming into force of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC Statute) and its complementarity regime, much emphasis has been placed on the role of national courts in prosecuting international crimes. Some states have demonstrated their commitment to this regime by; inter alia, ratifying the ICC Statute, enacting national legislation to implement the ICC Statute and establishing national judicial forums for prosecution of international crimes. Uganda is a prime example of states rising up to this challenge. Uganda ratified the ICC Statute in 2002. In 2008, it established the International Crimes Division (ICD) to prosecute international crimes and in 2010, it enacted the International Criminal Court Act to implement the ICC Statute. Even before these reforms, Uganda’s military courts had always relied on service offences to prosecute members of the national defence force. Worthy to note, members of the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (UPDF) have been implicated in a number of atrocities, some of which can be categorised as international crimes. However, military courts continue to prosecute UPDF soldiers for these atrocities on the basis of service offences. The situation current in Uganda highlights a number of legal issues relating to: first, the adequacy of service offences to advance accountability for the international crimes allegedly committed by UPDF soldiers; secondly, the jurisdiction of military courts over international crimes; and thirdly, the effect of concurrent jurisdiction by the ICD and military courts on the rule against double jeopardy.     

攻击联合国人员和有关人员犯罪的国际法控制

长期以来,国际社会一直致力于通过立法来惩治针对联合国人员和有关人员的恐怖袭击活动。1998年生效的《国际刑事法院罗马规约》将攻击联合国人员和有关人员的罪行纳入法院管辖范围。2003年《安理会第1502号决议》进一步完善了规约的规定,并要求各国也在国内立法惩处这类犯罪。     

国际刑事法院的司法能动主义:实践、反思及限制

国际刑事法院对《罗马规约》近年来的解释中呈现出司法能动主义的趋势,即背离约文的字面含义和立法者的原意,扩张国际刑事法院管辖下犯罪的定义和可受理案件的范围。国际刑法的混合性质、先前国际刑事法庭的司法能动主义政策以及《罗马规约》适用法条款和解释规则的不确定性都是导致国际刑事法院司法能动主义的原因。作为非经授权的司法立法行为,国际刑事法院的司法能动主义不但违背国家主权原则和罪刑法定主义,而且损害了国际社会通过其追究国际犯罪的信心。构建对其司法能动主义进行规制的关键在于厘清和协调《维也纳条约法公约》中的解释规则、罪刑法定原则下的严格解释以及存疑有利于被告解释方法三者在《罗马规约》解释中的适用范围及适用关系。     

International Crimes and ICC Cooperation in England and Wales

The United Kingdom, as a party to the ICC Statute, has broughtin a series of similar pieces of legislation in order to fulfilits obligations under the Statute, and to ensure that crimessubject to the jurisdiction of the ICC are also crimes in domesticlaw. This article concentrates on the International CriminalCourt Act 2001, which applies in England and Wales, to appraisewhether it adequately provides for assistance to the ICC, andwhether the crimes subject to the ICC's jurisdiction are adequatelyincorporated into domestic law. The article also mentions thepossible role of the common law of England and Wales in relationto international crimes. It concludes that, for the most part,the Act reflects a sensible approach to issues involved in assistingthe ICC and provides a workable basis for the prosecution ofinternational crimes in that jurisdiction.     

从苏丹情势分析国际刑事法院管辖权的补充性原则

联合国安理会向国际刑事法院的检察官提交的苏丹达尔富尔地区发生的情势,引发了非缔约国对国际刑事法院管辖权补充性的质疑。将达尔富尔的情势提交国际刑事法院,应由独立的机构判断苏丹政府“不愿意”和“不能”行使管辖权的客观证据。这样做,一方面为了充分支持安理会向检察官提交情势的行为;另一方面为了国际刑事法院审判工作的独立性和有效性吸引诸如中国和美国等司法制度健全的非缔约国批准《罗马规约》。中国虽然是非缔约国,但始终支持国际刑事法院的建立及其工作,并对国际刑事法院的审判活动采取一种审视态度。有理由相信,通过国际刑事法院建立的良好工作模式,如对达尔富尔公正有效的处理,以及在我国法律条件成熟的情况下,中国会成为《罗马规约》的缔约国。     

National Implementation of ICC Crimes: Impact on National Jurisdictions and the ICC

The national implementation of the International Criminal Court(ICC) Statute has proven to be more difficult than initiallyanticipated. Most States Parties have either not incorporatedthe ICC crimes into their domestic laws, or they have done sousing different forms of wording. This article examines theimplementing legislation of several states to demonstrate howinadequate implementation of the ICC crimes might prevent statesfrom exercising their primary jurisdiction in criminal proceedings.In turn, this might affect the admissibility of a case beforethe ICC. To this end, this article also explores whether flawedimplementation of the ICC crimes amounts to unwillingness orinability of the state to genuinely prosecute. This articleargues that implementation of the Statute is of paramount importanceto the future of the ICC.     

The Mavi Marmara Incident and the International Criminal Court

On 15 May 2013 the OTP announced that it was conducting a preliminary examination of the events surrounding Israel’s enforcement of its naval blockade against the Mavi Marmara on 31 May 2010 in order to determine whether a formal investigation into the incident should be opened. According to Article 53 of the Rome Statute, the OTP shall open a formal investigation where there is a reasonable basis to believe that (a) the ICC possesses temporal, territorial and subject-matter jurisdiction in relation to the situation, (b) it is admissible before the ICC and (c) that a formal investigation would not be contrary to the interests of justice. The application of this framework to the events that occurred on 31 May 2010 is difficult and complex, especially in regard as to whether the situation can be considered of sufficient gravity to warrant the ICC’s attention and whether any of the crimes enumerated in Article 5 of the Rome Statute have been committed. This notwithstanding, I argue that there is a reasonable basis to believe that these criteria are satisfied and therefore conclude by encouraging the OTP to open a formal investigation into the situation.     

国际刑事法院管辖权的属性

自 1998年《国际刑事法院罗马规约》通过后 ,围绕管辖权属性问题的争辩始终没有休止。实际上 ,国际刑事法院管辖权的多维性体现了主权与人权国际保护的逻辑延伸。透视国际刑事法院管辖权内容上的多维性特征可见 ,《罗马规约》规定的国际刑事法院管辖权游弋于补充性和普遍性与强制性之间 ,体现了适用上的多角度、多层次和多维空间。这种多维特征之间既相互独立 ,又相辅相成 ,充分显示国际刑事法院的历史地位和重要性 ,当被控国际罪行的程序逐渐制度化时 ,国际刑事法院的运行机制也会更加公正、合理与完善     

China's Attitude Towards the ICC

Unlike the USA, China has few overseas military commitments,and therefore is not concerned that its troops may one day comeunder International Criminal Court (ICC) jurisdiction. Moreover,China is not in a position to pressurize other countries tosign bilateral agreements as the USA has done. Whether or notChina eventually accedes to the Rome Statute, it cannot avoidthe jurisdiction of the ICC in other parts of the world. Thereare five main reasons for China's opposition to the ICC. First,its jurisdiction is not based on the principle of voluntaryacceptance; furthermore, complementarity gives the ICC the powerto judge whether a state is able or willing to conduct propertrials of its own nationals. Secondly, also war crimes in internalarmed conflicts fall under the jurisdiction of the ICC. Thirdly,crimes against humanity are prohibited in time of peace as well.Fourthly, the inclusion of the crime of aggression within thejurisdiction of the ICC weakens the power of the UN SecurityCouncil. Fifthly, the proprio motu power of the Prosecutor maymake the ICC open to political influence. The authors try toshow how all these objections can be legally met and set fortha series of considerations that would make China's participationin the Court a welcome development in China's national and internationalinterests. They finally argue that the Chinese government shouldtake an open attitude, taking into consideration the Court'sactual performance, and should not, therefore, exclude the possibilityof acceding at an appropriate time to the ICC Statute.     

The International Criminal Court and the Control of State Crime: Prospects and Problems

Over the past two decades, crimes committed by nation states has received strong theoretical and empirical attention from critical criminologists. Much of this work has highlighted the lack of internal and external mechanisms to control such injurious behavior. Potentially, this has now changed. In the summer of 1998, delegates from nearly 140 countries created the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court (ICC). Entering into force in the summer of 2002, the ICC has unprecedented international jurisdiction over the crimes of genocide, war, aggression, and those against humanity. This paper provides a brief history of international law and attempts to develop an ICC. It then examines the functioning and structure of the ICC as established in the Rome Statute. We then proceed to analyze the potential which the ICC posses to control state criminality. Our analysis concludes with discussions of how the ICC might be modified to better act as a deterrent to such offending.     

A Justification of Command Responsibility

In this article, I advance a culpability-based justification for command responsibility. Command responsibility has attracted powerful, principled criticisms, particularly that its controversial “should have known” fault standard may breach the culpability principle. Scholars are right to raise such questions, as a negligence-based mode of accessory liability seems to chafe against our analytical constructs. However, I argue, in three steps, that the intuition of justice underlying the doctrine is sound. An upshot of this analysis is that the “should have known” standard in the ICC Statute, rather than being shunned, should be embraced. While Tribunal jurisprudence shied away from criminal negligence due to culpability concerns, I argue that the “should have known” standard actually maps better onto personal culpability than the rival formulations developed by the Tribunals.     

The Enforcement of Arrest Warrants by International Forces: From the ICTY to the ICC

The conflict in the former Yugoslavia set a precedent in modernhistory for having a multinational military force being empoweredand directed to execute arrest warrants issued by an internationalcriminal tribunal. On legal grounds, the International CriminalTribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) attained this resultby relying on the broad wording of its governing Statute coupledwith the ICTY's own rule-making powers. In contrast, the draftersof the International Criminal Court (ICC) Statute elaboratedon the nature of the cooperation from international forces insignificantly more details but at the same time opted for reducingthe ICC's powers vis-à-vis these forces. Therefore, theICC Statute now runs contrary to the ICTY's case law recognizinga judicial power to order an international force to executean ICTY arrest warrant. This deferential stance towards collectiveenterprises of states not only infringes upon the States Parties’general obligation to cooperate with the ICC, but, in the end,weakens the ICC's ability to enforce international criminaljustice.     

The call to citizens of Ghana to defend Ghana’s Fourth Republican Constitution: a death trap?

The 1992 Constitution of Ghana grants citizens the right and duty to employ any means to protect the Constitution. It also seeks to protect those who respond to the call to resist usurpers. However, in Ekwam v Pianim (No 2) the Supreme Court of Ghana ruled that a person who failed in his attempt to defend the Constitution against usurpers could not rely on the Constitution he unsuccessfully sought to defend for protection. The issue of the unsuccessful resister is an ‘unanswered question’ of the Constitution. This is a hard case and Dworkin’s adjudicative theory offers insights into resolving it.     

Sexual Slavery: Do We Need This Crime in Addition to Enslavement?

The article focusses on the crime of sexual slavery in the ICC Statute. It examines the legal definition of enslavement in Article 7 (2) (c) ICC Statute and the Elements of Crimes (EOC) of enslavement and sexual slavery as well as the jurisprudence of the SCSL which was the first to deal with the application of the EOC of sexual slavery to a concrete situation (so-called ‘forced marriage’ phenomenon). The author questions whether there is a necessity to have two crimes against humanity of enslavement and sexual slavery but on the other hand, no war crime of enslavement. Further, she rejects the interpretation that human trafficking has become part of the definition of slavery/enslavement as the footnote in the EOC seems to suggest. The author argues vigorously that the phenomenon of ‘forced marriage’ should be prosecuted as sexual slavery and not under the residual offence of inhumane acts as a ‘new’ international crime.     

India and the ICC

The Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC Statute)would have been more acceptable to India if it had containedan opt-in provision whereby a state could accept the jurisdictionof the ICC by declaration (possibly for a specified period),and this might be limited to particular conduct or to conductcommitted during a particular period of time. The lack of sucha provision, and the inherent jurisdiction which replaced it,are perceived as representing a violation of the consent ofstates, and thus a threat to sovereignty. India's resistanceto accepting the inherent jurisdiction of the ICC is explained,in part, by anxieties about how investigation, prosecution andcriminal proceedings in the Indian system may be judged by aninternational court. The inclusion of ‘armed conflictnot of an international character’ in defining ‘warcrimes’ in Article 8 ICCSt. constitutes another reasonfor India's concern (that the conflicts that persist in Kashmir,the North-East and as was experienced in Punjab, as well asthe violence of more recent vintage in Gujarat, could be referredto the ICC). Further elements giving rise to India's misgivingsare the fear that the Court might be used with political motives,the power conferred on the Prosecutor to initiate investigationsproprio motu and the role allotted to the Security Council.     

Realising the Potential of the International Criminal Court: The African Experience

To date efforts of the International Criminal Court (ICC) toeradicate impunity for international crimes have been focussedin the African region. With arrest warrants now issued in relationto the situations in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Ugandaand the surrender of one individual to the Court, this articleprovides a timely examination of the efforts of African Statesto adopt legislation to provide for cooperation with the ICCand the prosecution of ICC crimes in national courts. The articledemonstrates that despite their willingness to make use of theICC system for prosecutions, African States, reflecting thegeneral trend in other regions, have made very little progressin implementing the Rome Statute. The article also examineshow the ICC has conducted its investigations in light of thelack of such implementing legislation.     

Role of the forensic medical expertise in the campaign of Russia Defense Ministry against trafficking of narcotics and strong drug substances

The forensic medical measures undertaken by Russia's Defense Ministry (RDM) in its campaign against trafficking of narcotics and drastic medicines in Russia's territory are addressed in the paper. The dynamic mortality rate due to poisoning by narcotic and psychotropic agents (among Russian citizens) is shown for 1996-2001; the following issues are also discussed: specificity of drug-trafficking and drug-addiction in the contemporary Russian society and, primarily, in the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation and the conditions, on which the RDM expert forensic-and-medical institutions are involved in state measures against trafficking of narcotics and drastic medicines in Russia's territory.     

非政府组织与国际刑事法院

近十年来,非政府组织在国际关系中取得的最大成绩就是在促成国际刑事法院的建立方面做出了巨大的努力和贡献。从建立国际刑事法院构想的提出,到《国际刑事法院规约》的起草、谈判,到《规约》的通过与生效,以"支持国际刑事法院的非政府组织联盟"(简称"国际刑事法院联盟")为核心的非政府组织都发挥了至关重要的作用。在国际刑事法院的诉讼程序中,非政府组织也可以发挥信息提供者、法庭之友、法院与受害人和证人之间桥梁、监督人等作用。国际刑事法院已正式认可了非政府组织的作用。非政府组织在国际刑事法院的建立和运行中所发挥的作用堪称国际市民社会参与国际关系的一个范例。