共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 46 毫秒
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《中国辽东半岛国际交流》2009,(1):18-21
坐落在阜新境内的查海古人类遗址,被尊称为“中华第一村”,因为早在8000多年前,人类就在这里生息繁衍。由于出土“世界第一玉”和“华夏第一龙”,阜新被国内外考古学界誉为“玉·龙故乡,文明发端”。已故著名考古学家苏秉琦先生生前曾多次考察查海遗址出土文物,认为查海遗址位于红山文化分布区内,时间比红山文化早一个阶段。“有最早的龙纹陶片、最早的玉器,是红山文化的根系”。 相似文献
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进入20世纪90年代后,随着美国华人社团规模的日益扩大,华人素质及经济地位的不断提高和华人文化观念的逐渐转变,华人参政积极性和水平明显提高,参政成果日渐丰硕,在美国政治选举中的作用日益凸显。 相似文献
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一、越南华人华文教学的现状越南是东南亚华人人口最多的国家之一 ,现有华人100多万 ,全国各地都有分布 ,其中以南方的胡志明市占最多 ,其次是后江、坚江、安江、九龙、明海、前江、同奈、贝河等南部平原省份。据统计 ,胡志明市目前有50多万华人 ,占胡志明市人口的10% ,南部平原各省也有50多万。在胡志明市各郡 ,都能不时见到中文字号的店铺。该市的堤岸(包括第五郡和第六郡)是华人聚居区 ,有越南“华埠”之称。在这里 ,店铺招牌大多用中文书写 ,买卖交易使用粤语(汉语粤方言)。北方华人主要分布在河内、海防、广宁等地。越南华人祖籍大部分… 相似文献
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Cross-cultural issues transcend the boundaries of nations and native tongues. Traditionally considered in national or religious contexts, cross-cultural issues also occur in the corporate environment, especially those environments specializing in high technology. The life sciences industry employs many different professional cultures including scientists, engineers, computer programmers and management and, due to the highly specialized needs within this industry, success is reliant on the interaction between the groups. Scientists and management in particular come from completely different cultures: the academic world (Ph.D.) and the business world (MBA). While speaking the same native language, these two cultures are separated by cultural norms and biases. Bridging the gap between these differences can be difficult but not impossible. This article explores the origins of tension between scientists and management and seeks to offer a path to more open, productive communication. 相似文献
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对世界华商网络的阶段考察 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
2005年10月9~12日于韩国首尔举行的第八届世界华商大会,是一个民间性的非政府论坛。韩国总统卢武铉在开幕式上致词说,华商已成为对全球经济影响深刻的“经济体”。华商概念是一个历史范畴,华商网络和中国历史进程有密切的内在联系。一、华商概念的演化华商概念有一个演化过程。20世纪以前的中文典籍中,“华侨”一词今可考者,最早见于晚清时期1883年郑观应呈交李鸿章《禀北洋通商大臣李傅相为招商局与怡和、太古订合同》一文中,但少用,更多用“汉人”、“唐人”、“闽粤人”、“内地民人”、“华民”、“华工”、“华人”、“华商”等,其概… 相似文献
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Marc R. Devore 《安全研究》2013,22(3):532-572
Few issues are more important to international relations scholars than understanding how globalization is shaping the production of armaments. Within this context, this article examines both whether and how small and medium states can maintain defense-industrial bases capable of contributing to their national security. To preview the conclusion, although defense-industrial self-sufficiency has become an illusion for most states, even small and medium states can develop defense-industrial capabilities that enhance both their ability to autonomously employ their armed forces and secure access to foreign armaments. Moreover, governments possess a range of options for achieving these objectives, including a fundamental choice between accepting foreign direct investment and pursuing unrestrained arms exports. Governments unwilling to sanction foreign ownership of their defense industries can have recourse to unrestricted exports; alternatively, states uncomfortable with liberal exports can encourage foreign direct investment. With this in mind, a lasting diversity is likely to persist in even similarly endowed states’ defense industries and defense-industrial policies. 相似文献
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“罗高寿”是汉姓名,这一汉姓名与俄文姓罗加乔夫(Рогачёв)的读音多少有些相似,图个吉祥如意,就取名“罗高寿”。作为父辈的罗高寿,其俄文全部姓名为阿列克谢·彼得洛维奇·罗加乔夫(1900—1981)。“罗高寿”这个十分汉化而颇含吉利意义的姓名是罗加乔夫给自己取的。他是一位汉学家,深谙中国的儒家文化。《书·洪范》:“五福:一曰寿;二曰福;三曰康宁;四曰攸好德;五曰考终命”。又,在《论语·雍也》中也有这样的话:“知者乐,仁者寿”。至于“高寿”即是长寿。他的哲嗣伊戈尔·阿列克谢耶维奇·罗加乔夫在来华工作时,就继承了父亲的汉… 相似文献
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Much work has been done to analyze the consequences of the increasing representation of women in politics. Usually, this research compares male and female politicians from a female perspective. For instance, many studies in political communication investigate how and why female candidates show campaign styles similar to or different from their male colleagues. In contrast to this, few studies are interested in how men change their behavior when women enter the political arena. Some of these studies have demonstrated that men limit their negativity when confronted with female candidates. Unfortunately, these analyses focus predominantly on (a) the United States and (b) gender differences in campaign advertising. We seek to provide empirical evidence for non-U.S. campaigns from the most important single campaign events: televised debates. To do so, we analyze data covering all German televised debates broadcast since 1997 where male politicians participated in a two-candidate single- or mixed-gender debate. Our results indicate that the gender of the political opponent affects incivility but not the use of attacks in general. In mixed-gender debates there is less incivility. However, differences in the treatment of male and female opponents tend to decline over time. We conclude that female candidates transform campaign communication—not only because they communicate differently from men, but also because they influence male politicians’ political communication. 相似文献