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This paper presents recent events including the Danish cartoon crisis occasion—a re-examination of John Stuart Mill’s argument for freedom of expression. Despite the appeal of liberalism, Mill’s philosophy had from the start been subject to intense criticism. The rise of political Islam opens a new phase in the debate; the difficulties pointed out by Mill’s critics are indicative of the obstacles that liberalism still faces.
Thomas E. SchneiderEmail:
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Hansen  Eric R.  Tyner  Andrew 《Political Behavior》2021,43(2):711-735
Political Behavior - Why does the likelihood of voting increase with education in the US? Prominent theories attribute education’s effect to human capital, which affords individuals resources...  相似文献   

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表达自由是许多国家的宪法性法律和国际人权条约及地区性人权条约承认和保护的基本人权。本文讨论了政府在限制表达自由的时候需要遵循的几项原则,即合法、合目的性、需要和合比例及中立等原则。同时指出,这些原则也构成对政府限制表达自由的限制。  相似文献   

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Mchangama  Jacob 《Society》2016,53(4):363-367
Society - The threat from terror and religious extremism has seen liberal democracies adopt a raft of measures are intended to restrict freedom of expression. Yet very little focus has been spent...  相似文献   

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《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):307-339
Abstract

This article assesses some major democratic norms commonly invoked in relation to means of communication or ‘media’, especially in the context of ‘media policy’. The paper argues that freedom of communication provides the most appropriate normative discourse in which to re-articulate the case for the European policy practice of ‘regulated pluralism’ outside Europe. Recent developments in Australia provide a brief case-study of this thesis.  相似文献   

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In Freedom’s Right, Axel Honneth articulates the social freedom of friendship with reference to its institutionalised norms. These action norms, however, are not specific to friendship; they apply to modern intimacy per se. Such non-specificity cannot adequately account for the experience of social freedom in friendship. Addressing this issue, I evaluate friendship as a form of recognition and identify a generative recognition deficit functional to its relational autonomy. Then, taking Honneth’s institutional approach to friendship as a point of departure, I ascertain an institutional deficit that both sustains friendship’s autonomy and constrains the generalisability of its social freedom by way of institutional connectivity to heterosexuality. I suggest that only a differentiating approach to friendship that fathoms its extraordinary position among interpersonal relationships can yield new insights. That done, friendship can in turn provide a prism through which to assess the conceptual approaches deployed in its analysis.  相似文献   

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People vote although their marginal gain from voting is zero.We contribute to the resolution of this paradox by presentinga model for equilibrium configuration of attitudes regardingthe decision to vote. Each individual is seen as an element ofa social network, within which pairs of individuals expressideas and attitudes, exerting mutual influence. We model therole of such networks in propagating the mutual influenceacross pairs of individuals. We show that it may suffice thata small set of individuals have a strong feeling about showingup to vote to generate a significant turnout in elections.  相似文献   

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Capability, Freedom and the New Social Democracy   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
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自由是人类永恒的价值追求。马克思恩格斯第一次将自由问题纳入唯物史观视野,提出了自由的来源和条件、自由的本质和自由的实现等问题。马克思主义自由观的中国展现主要体现在三个方面:国家独立是个人自由的根本前提,经济富裕是个人自由的物质保障,民族富强是个人自由的坚强后盾。新时代坚持马克思主义自由观必须处理好三对关系:在价值理念上,处理好自由与平等的关系;在经济发展上,处理好政府和市场的关系;在国家治理上,处理好效率与公平的关系。  相似文献   

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Cowen  Tyler 《Public Choice》2002,113(1-2):211-224

When esteem is costless to supply, does it provide an effectivemeans of enforcing norms for public goods production? I examine thebasic mechanics of an enforcement-through-esteem model. Whileesteem may enforce norms to considerable degree, systematicunderenforcement remains the general result, even in very basicsettings with a minimum of transactions costs. I also examine whyesteem has positive value in equilibrium if it can be producedcostlessly (i.e., why esteem remains scarce), and what collectiveaction problems plague the supply of esteem.

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The objectives of public consultation can clash with other policy objectives, partly because the norms underpinning public consultation clash with other institutional norms within the policy process. This phenomenon is evident in the case of selecting a site for a low-level nuclear waste disposal facility in Australia. This case shows how the results of consultation processes are moulded by the process design, which in turn is constrained by a range of policy process norms to which governments adhere. The case confirms some recent critiques of participatory practices. It also suggests that reconciling potentially competing policy process norms will be an important exercise in institutional design if elected representatives wish to mitigate citizens' alienation from their governments.  相似文献   

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