Bilateral diplomatic and economic relations between East Asia and the new EU members: The case of Latvia

As the result of historical, political and geographical reasons, Latvias relations with the East Asia are a new field of study. Even though the diplomatic and economic relations between Latvia and the East Asian countries have not been significant, the volume of trade and cooperation in other fields has been increasing particularly with China, Japan and Singapore. Latvias joining the EU will impact this cooperation in different ways. Mostly it will give more opportunities for Latvia to build fruitful diplomatic and economic relations with the East Asian countries. This explorative research will examine the current state of the bilateral diplomatic and economic relations between Latvia and the East Asian countries (ASEAN, Japan, China, and South Korea) as well as clarify future trends, particularly related to the effects of the accession of Latvia to the EU. This is one of the first researches in this field and is intended for those interested in bilateral relations between the new EUs members and the East Asian countries, as well as for those analyzing the consequences of the EUs enlargement on these relations.     

European Union visibility in Indonesia

This paper examines the academic visibility of the European Union in Indonesia. Good visibility is important in strengthening the growing significance of the EU-Indonesia relations. It uses a quantitative analysis on Indonesias position in this realm in Asia and among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) using a comparative perspective. It finds that the Union was least visible in Indonesia compared to other Asian and ASEAN nations. It is further proposed to set up centres of excellence as vehicles to improve the Unions visibility in the country. Such centres of excellence would be vital and a most effective means to improve the EU visibility amongst academic and policy making circles.     

Policy networks and multiple lobbying strategies in EU trade policy-making. A Korean perspective

The EU trade policy has been a crucial matter of concern not only for the EU member states but also for the rest of the world as a whole. However, only a limited number of policy actors have been able to exercise effective power in the EU trade policy process on the basis of the formal and informal relations formed among core policy actors in policy networks. As a result, the interests of the European industrialists have been best served in the EUs trade policy relations with non-member countries. Consequently, Korean firms, as outsiders of the policy networks, have recognized the need to develop effective lobbying strategies as significant means to have greater influence on EU trade policy-making, so as to overcome the disadvantages existing in the policy process. In this regard, Korean firms need to develop multiple lobbying strategies by taking advantage of the various routes of EU trade lobbying. Otherwise, Korean firms will continue to experience difficulties in exploiting the benefits of the large European common market with a single currency.     

Vietnam’s integration into the global economy. Achievements and challenges

Aspiring to further integrate into the global economy Vietnam is confronted with tremendous political, economic and institutional challenges. Issues to be addressed are not only technical questions such as tariff reductions, abolishing quantitative restrictions, the investment regime or the gradual giving up of the foreign trade monopoly. Much was achieved but more challenges are laying ahead. If trade is to continue to serve as an engine of growth, Vietnam must develop a multidimensional strategy for trade expansion, which fits into an appropriate macroeconomic environment. Institutional reforms and improvements in the legal system are as important as human capacity building and an appropriate infrastructure for attracting FDI and expanding exports. Three prominent economic integration projects facilitate the process. They are a severe test of Hanois administrative and governance capacity but also demonstrate the governments obligation to restructure the national economy.     

Sharing benefits of globalisation through an EU-ASEAN FTA?

In the aftermath of the stalled launch of a new WTO round in Seattle in 1999, Singapore and Japan initiated a joint study into a possible bilateral Free Trade Agreement (FTA). The resulting New-Age Economic Partnership Agreement was signed in 2002, reduced barriers in trade and investment in goods as well as services, technical standards and public procurement. Other FTAs followed including a US-Singapore FTA in 2003. In response, other ASEAN countries initiated negotiations towards bilateral FTAs, such as Thailand with India and Malaysia with Japan etc. Moreover, China declared its intention to enter into a FTA with the ASEAN by 2012. The failure at Cancun in 2003 implies that the Doha Development Agenda will not be achieved within the time-frame set. In this environment, the question of a feasibility of an inter-regional EU-ASEAN FTA is investigated. ASEANs trade policy regime is opening up and the gains of further tariff elimination will be modest, because most ASEAN countries already apply low tariffs, while those of the EU on import from ASEAN are low as well – e.g. for Singapore the tariff rate is merely 1.04 per cent (trade weighted). Nevertheless, a further reduction will benefit both EU and ASEAN because a significant share of imports is intra-firm trade, with EU firms operating from ASEAN as a production platform for the EU markets. However, for an EU-ASEAN FTA to be worthwhile, it must generate benefits on issues relating to non-tariff barriers to trade, esp. technical standards, SPS and mutual recognition of testing. Further significant benefits to EU and ASEAN may be realised by advancing liberalisation of international trade in services (e.g. banking and insurance licences, air and sea transport). Reducing restrictions on foreign direct investment in selectedservice sectors is bound to enhance investment flows from the EU to ASEAN.This article draws extensively on a study directed by the author with Dr. Paul Brenton, Prof. Ludo Cuyvers and Prof. Patrick Messerlin (van der Geest et al. 2003). Research assistance by Ms. Vanessa Sumo and Ms. Roberta Zavoretti is gratefully acknowledged. The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not reflect the views of the European Institute for Asian Studies or of its sponsors. The author is solely responsible for any remaining errors or inaccuracies. All comments are welcomed at w.vandergeest@eias.org     

China’s anti-terror strategy and China’s role in global anti-terror cooperation

Anti-terrorism has become an important part of Chinas domestic and diplomatic agenda. This has its historical roots and theoretical basis. Chinas anti-terrorism campaign started even before 9/11, but it was only after 9/11 that China participates fully in the international anti-terror cooperation and becomes a significant player in the efforts. This paper attempts to make an analysis from the Chinese perspective.     

Regional integration and conflict management. The case of Vietnam

This paper is examines the process of regional integration of Vietnam into the framework for regional co-operation under the umbrella of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The main focus is on the process leading to Vietnams admission into ASEAN in 1995. The relative importance of key factors – economic, political and security – in the process leading to Vietnams admission into ASEAN is assessed. Particular attention is devoted to the conflict management dimension of the regional integration of Vietnam both in process leading to membership in ASEAN and in the management of border disputes between Vietnam and other ASEAN members.This study is based the authors on-going research on Vietnams foreign policy and on regional collaboration is Southeast Asia including ASEANs expansion with a focus on conflict management.This article is an edited version of a paper with the same title presented at Paper prepared for Session 1: Lessons to be learnt, success stories of peaceful reconciliation, At the 3rd Asia-Europe Roundtable: Peace and Reconciliation Success Stories and Lessons. Organised by Asia-Europe Foundation, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, The Institute for International Relations, and Singapore Institute of International Affairs, Hanoi, 20-21 October 2003.     

East Asia in a unipolar international order and Europe’s role in the region

This article attempts to explore the post-Cold War international system in which regional orders intermingle their influence. It pays special attention to regional conflicts in East Asia in the new era and what roles global powers could play to maintain regional stability. I will first examine the characteristics of the new global order after the end of the bipolarity. I will then focus on American foreign policy in the new international system in the context of its dealing with major global events that have strategic implications for its relations with other major global powers. As to discussions of regional orders, this article focuses on East Asia, where conflicts between states have not evaporated despite the relaxation of the global Cold War confrontation. What makes this area special is the involvements of many great powers and less-powerful nations that could somehow easily manipulate the seniors into the conflicts to their favour. While the regional order in East Asia is being shaped by the post- Cold War international order, the regions peace and conflicts will in turn significantly influence global order. Finally, I will argue that dealing with problems in East Asia should acquire involvements of powers that would give necessary momentum to the existing participants to solve conflicts by the means of multilateralism. The European Union (EU) is often forgotten for its role in contributing to world order, and the EU should be taken seriously by the powers in East Asia as a possible player in maintaining the regional peace. I conclude that both global and regional security depend on continuing US unipolarity, strengthened by the co-operation of the EU in the form of multilateralism. By the same token, US unilateralism without a EU counter-balancing it, only invites potential challengers, such as China, to threaten the USs preponderant position, thereby destabilising world peace.This article was supported by a research project (NSC-P3-2414-H-004-018) of the National Science Council, Taiwan, which is gratefully acknowledged.     

EU’s Taiwan policy in the light of its China policy

Since the mid-1990s the European Union sees it necessary to engage with the PR China due to its increasing economic and political influence. EU-China ties have been developed rather smoothly and comprehensively. EU leaders believe that the more prosperous and influential China becomes, the more the EU could benefit. No serious obstacles are visible and the prospects for further development are promising. Under the One China Principle, however, the EUs Taiwan policy is rather confined. Although the EU is concerned about the security and stability in the Cross Strait relations, their means of interventions are constrained. The European Parliament resolutions as well as the stance of the Council and the Commission towards Taiwan have demonstrated the EUs ability to tread lightly when dealing with, and there is little visible interest in getting more actively involved in the Taiwan issue. Only the Liberal International truly supports Taiwan in its bid to enhance international visibility. However Taipei-Washington ties dwarf the EUs Taiwan policy. Therefore there is still large room for further improvements in the Taiwan-EU relations.     

The evolution,substance and priorities of EU and ASEAN co-operation in science and technology

This article discusses the evolution and substance of co-operation in Science and Technology (S&T) between the European Union (EU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It will attempt to shed light on the under-researched topic of the role of European technology in the modernisation of Southeast Asia during the last three decades, by examining the methods by which the two supranational entities are attempting to enhance such co-operation. EU-ASEAN collaboration in S&T has experienced a steady, albeit modest, growth during the last few years. The EU is shown to be committed to sustainable development and humanitarian principles (e.g. alleviation of poverty), although this is seriously constrained by economic considerations. By contrast, ASEAN is more concerned with the economic and political benefits to be gained from such collaboration, as shown by the adoption of an export-orientated high technology policy and the rapid economic growth of the region. This paper draws from the project A Study of ASEAN and EU Innovation Policies and Interregional Co-operation in Science and Technology, supported by the South East Asian Committee of the British Academy. This financial support is gratefully acknowledged.Senior Research Fellow and Head of the European Regional Studies Unit at the Centre for European Studies, University of the West of England, Bristol, UK. He is also Visiting Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore.     

The effect of ASEM on European foreign policies

This paper argues the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) interregional process has had a great influence on the European partners, in fact, much greater than so far acknowledged. It gives an overview of the adaptation of European partners foreign policies towards East Asia as seen in the creation or modification of their overall strategies. It then presents in more detail the selected case studies of Spain and Sweden. The findings show that most EU partners have indeed have considered the ASEM process a useful route to advance their interests towards East Asia, and that six have created or upgraded comprehensive strategies. The two in-depth country analyses (Sweden and Spain) further substantiate the claim that the ASEM process has had an important effect on European partners. It is expected that this trend will continue.Paper presented at the 5th Pan-European Conference of the European Consortium for Political Researchs Standing group on International Relations, Den Hague, Netherlands, 9–11 September 2004.     

Should Singapore rejoin the UNESCO?

The Republic of Singapore withdrew from the UNESCO soon after the United States of America and the United Kingdom in late 1985. During that time, the idea of the New World Information Order was a major topic in the UNESCO. In this article the author analysis Singapores stake in this discussion, the reasons for the withdrawal and asks, why Singapore has still not rejoined the UNESCO, although the international flow of news is no longer an issue and the USA as well as the UK already came back.     

ASEM and the future of Asia-Europe relations: Background,characteristics and challenges

The article mainly discusses the background and implications of Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM), from an Asian perspective. It will be clarified that the ASEM process was a by-product of increasing tensions between multilateralism and regionalism. As a comprehensive cooperation forum between the EU and 10 East Asian countries, comprising political, economic and cultural agenda, ASEMs approach so far was multi-purposed and multi-faceted. The Asian members of ASEM have shown different strategic behavior in approaching ASEM, which is the result of their diverse geopolitical positions. However, the Asians, especially since the financial crisis of 1997, are well aware of the utility and necessity of their own regionalism, and many initiatives have already been brought into effect, negotiated or even feasibility-studied. The ASEM process may, therefore, find itself in increasing tension with this increasing regionalist tendency in East Asia. It is an immediate task for both European and Asian members of ASEM to revitalize the dynamics of ASEM cooperation.     

Trade relations between Europe and East Asia

The Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) framework was created in 1996, with the primary purpose of strengthening economic, political and cultural relations among the 15 countries of the European Union and ten East Asian states. This paper examines the origins of these recent economic linkages, in a global and inter-regional context.¶The paper charts the principal elements of ASEMs economic pillar to date, assesses the influence of multilateral trading environments (notably the WTO) on the region-to-region dialogue and examines ASEMs impact on intra-regional economic developments, especially in the case of East Asia.¶The paper will focus in particular on the flagship projects of trade and investment facilitation, to discuss whether and to what extent ASEM itself can be seen to further cooperation and coordination in specific fields of activity.¶The final part of the paper aims to analyse the prospects for future economic relations between East Asia and Europe, in the wake of a devastating financial crisis in Asia, in the context of a continued war on terror which, since the Bali bombing has had an even more immediate impact on Asia, and in the changing global economic environment as regulated by the tenets of the WTO.     

The failure of the Philippine presidential system

This article explains why the Philippines continues to be a weak state and that the prospects for building a stronger, sustainable state are dim under the current political system. Philippine elections are won through a mix of popularity, populism and money politics. This seriously undermines the strength of the state since the oligarchy expects returns for their investment in a candidates campaign. The extraordinary power of the president and the ministers makes it possible to repay and buy the loyalty of the financial and political oligarchy by giving away jobs within the bureaucracy. A predatory political elite, whose prime goal it has been to win the coming elections and to assure that their family interests are protected and promoted further undermines the independence and meritocracy of the Philippine bureaucracy. I argue that as long as the current presidential system continues to exist in the Philippines the chances for building a strong state are slight.This article represents an abbreviated version of the introduction of the MA thesis of Bastiaan van de Loo titled: The Election and Presidency of Joseph Estrada: A Case Study of Philippine Politics. The complete version of the thesis can be found on http://www.thephilippines.org     

The Wounded Bear and the Rising Dragon. The Sino-Russian relationship at the beginning of the 21st century: A view from Europe*

The evolving Sino-Russian relationship to a declared strategic partnership from the mid1990s until today is one of the most important strategic developments in the Asia-Pacific region. But despite an increasing strategic convergence between both sides in their foreign policy agendas, the pro-western foreign and security policies of the new Russian president Vladimir Putin have also complicated the bilateral Sino-Russian relationship already before September 11, 2001. While the Sino-Russian relationship is still guided by co-operation and common strategic interests in specific economic and foreign policy fields of both sides, it is also characterized by still existing mistrust as well as strategic rivalry. Meanwhile, Putins modified foreign policy has grown more cautious vis-à-vis China and, at the same time, has become more active in Central Asia, on the Korean peninsula, towards the United States and Europe in order to counterbalance the strategic trends of changing balances of regional forces to a perceived disadvantage of Moscow during the last years. In a broader context, however, the triangular relationship between these two great powers and the United States should no longer been exclusively seen through the prism of zero-sum games. A stable bilateral relationship between Moscow and Beijing that significantly contributes to both regional and global stability is also in the strategic interest of Washington and Europe.     

Inter-Korean relations and the roles of the US and of the EU

The North Korean nuclear standoff has escalated since North Korea let slip that it was developing nuclear weapons while James Kelly, U.S. Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was visiting Pyongyang in October 2002. The Bush administration has acknowledged that the United States will not discount a preemptive military strike on the suspected nuclear development facilities, and North Korea has stood firm against any pressure to halt its nuclear development from the international community. Dialogue and meetings for international cooperation among the major countries concerned, including Korea, the U.S., Japan and China, have been activated to resolve the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula, especially after the U.S. pronounced an end to its war against Iraq in early May of this year. In the middle of the rapidly changing situation on the Korean peninsula, the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation initiated by the Sunshine Policy of the Kim Dae Jung administration and followed by the Roh Moo-hyun administrations Policy of Peace and Prosperity are not separable from the nuclear situation. This paper follows recent developments of inter-Korean relations, illustrates South Koreas stance on the issue and suggests the EUs role on the nuclear issue. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Asia-EU Journalists Seminar organized by the Asia Europe Foundation and the Korea Press Foundation (KPF), held in Brussels, Belgium, May 22 2003. Financial support from the KPF is gratefully acknowledged.     

Parasitic Integration: Win-Win Agreements Containing Losers

Parasitic integration involves agreements that are Pareto-superior for two or more of the negotiating parties, while being inferior for one or more of the remaining negotiating parties. The contrast between parasitic integration and integrative bargaining is highlighted. A taxonomy and examples of parasitic integration are provided, as well as linkages to specific areas in the negotiation literature.     

Getting to the Table in Oslo: Driving Forces and Channel Factors

Using the secret Middle East peace talks in Oslo, Norway as a case example, the authors develop a conceptual framework for analyzing prenegotiation processes in negotiation. The framework focuses on understanding changes in the balance of geopolitical, internal, political, and group psychological forces that lead parties to negotiate. The framework also highlights the importance of channel factors, such as the use of unofficial representatives, small-state sponsorship, co-mediation, secret diplomacy, and staged agreements. Although developed with reference to the Oslo peace process, the authors believe this framework has broader applicability to the analysis of prenegotiation processes in international and ethnic disputes and other situations of protracted conflict. They conclude with a series of questions for future prenegotiation research.