论香港政党与香港社会的关系

虽然香港政党产生、发展的历史只有约30年时间,但发展迅速,政党主体结构已比较完善,基本适应社会主要阶层利益表达的需要。由于香港社会存在的政治、阶层和官民三大分野,受制于香港社会分化的现状,政党的社会整合能力比较低。因在参选动力及选举热情等方面存在较大差异,香港工商资产阶层、中产阶层和草根阶层等主要社会阶层政治参与极不均衡,劳工等草根阶层是参与选举的主力军,导致香港政党的政治动员主要集中于基层。     

香港毒品犯罪调查的证据运用--与香港缉毒警察的对话

香港警察根据当时环境确认嫌疑人拥有毒品,<危险药物条例>中允许推定,参加办案警察要出庭作证,并采用污点证人制度.     

赴香港培训和考察报告

通过车用燃气加气站管理人员赴香港培训和考察 ,提高了从业人员的素质 ,并借鉴香港地区燃气加气站建设管理方面的成功经验 ,提出我市今后燃气汽车加气站的管理思路。     

NGOs in Hong Kong: The present and the future

This study analyzes NGOs’ influence in Hong Kong's political, social, and economic life. It addresses three questions. Firstly, what are their major roles and how effectively can they play them in society? Secondly, how active are these organizations? Finally, how confident are the NGO leaders about their organizations’ future? Based on a telephone survey conducted in August 1996, it finds that NGOs in Hong Kong are characterized not only by common functions but also some unique ones created by the territory's special status. In general, Hong Kong's NGOs are fairly active, which has little to do with the specialization, financial resources, and geographical foci of the organizations. Despite Beijing's explicit guarantee of the freedom of NGO activities, this study reveals that a clear majority of the NGO leaders expressed doubts about their organizations’ future.     

Democratization without decentralization: Local government in Hong Kong

The literature on democratization tends to neglect the question of decentralization. The case of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) of the People's Republic of China shows that there can be partial democratization without decentralization. Democratization in Hong Kong took place in the mid‐1980s and 1990s, when more directly elected seats were introduced to political institutions at the territorial, municipal and district levels. However, democratization has not been accompanied by an attempt to decentralize administrative and political power to the institutions at the local level. These political institutions, including the Urban Council (UrbCo), Regional Council (RegCo) and District Boards remain relatively weak vis‐à‐vis the executive branch of the government. The recent attempt by the HKSAR government to abolish the UrbCo and RegCo represents a move toward centralization of administrative and political power. Moreover, District Boards remain consultative and politically powerless. It is the dynamic relationship between democratization and decentralization at which future research should be directed.     

施叔青：香港经验和台湾叙事——兼说世界华文创作中的“施叔青现象”

施叔青是出生于台湾、入籍于美国并一度定居于香港的著名作家.在她完成"香港三部曲"之后返归台湾矢志写作"台湾三部曲".本文以施氏返台后创作的两部长篇小说<微醺彩妆>和<行过洛津>("台湾三部曲"之一)作为讨论对象,探讨施氏的香港经验对她台湾叙事的意义、影响和局限,分析此两部作品的特点和不足,并将施氏的"跨越写作"作为世界华文创作中的一种文化现象进行分析.     

Institutional Design and Corruption Prevention in Hong Kong

In recent years, the Hong Kong government has sought to supplement its highly successful, rule-based anti-corruption strategy with value-based elements which stress the importance of ensuring personal integrity and avoiding conflicts of interest. The introduction of these elements raises issues about the relationship between rules and values within public organizations seeking to enhance their integrity management systems. In the Hong Kong case, it is argued, the predominance of the rule-based system means that value issues, such as potential conflicts of interests, tend to be pushed up through the hierarchy for resolution at higher levels in the organization. In addition, the development of informal rules relating to value issues limits the extent to which public officials can exercise personal discretion. The article is based on a survey of Ethics Officers and Assistant Ethics Officers in the Hong Kong government in June 2010 and on follow-up interviews conducted between October and December 2010.     

Stock market integration in Hong Kong and China

The Hong Kong Stock Exchange currently ranks sixth in terms of trading volumes in the world while China's fledgling securities industry at Shanghai and Shenzhen Stock Exchanges combined is barely more than 7 years old. With 1997 handover of Hong Kong to China, the securities industries of the two sides ought to integrate into one market. However, the Basic Law governing Hong Kong maintains unchanged British Common Law system as well as the life style of Hong Kong capitalist society, at least for the next 50 years. To understand how the stock exchanges operate under such a situation and how they cooperate in the future is the theme throughout this paper. This paper first describes the market backgrounds separately in Hong Kong and China. It intends to answer how, what and why China needs Hong Kong market and how, what and why Hong Kong, at a different level, needs China's. Then it deals with the interactions or cooperation in the primary market operations. The paper also deals with broader issues such as the RMB convertibility with respect to the integration of the stock exchanges and tries to forecast the future trend in the regional as well as international perspectives. It concludes that as part of the ‘one country, two systems’, the SEHK will be stronger as it has an added value to China's financial window to the world.     

Hong Kong in United States‐China relations: The international politics of Hong Kong's reversion to Chinese sovereignty

This article examines the implications of the political transition of Hong Kong on US‐China relations in strategic, political and economic dimensions. It evaluates the impact of Hong Kong's changing status in the context of the engagement‐containment debate on China policy in the US. It suggests that US concerns over questions such as democracy and human rights and China's rejection of foreign interference’ in Hong Kong would turn the territory into a source of political conflict between the US and China. Finally it points out that any major trade confrontation between the two countries would have serious implications for the territory. The article concludes by arguing that if Hong Kong could continue to be a prosperous and free society with a global outlook, it would facilitate China's integration with the global community, but if a reversion to authoritarian rule occurred in Hong Kong, US‐China relations will be aversely affected.     

Bond Market Integration: the Chinese Mainland and Hong Kong

This paper seeks to examine the integration of the evolving bond markets in the Chinese Mainland (CM) and Hong Kong (HK). To tap the international pool of capital, the CM government and CM enterprises have issued foreign currency bonds in HK and other developed markets. Since 1998 offshore CM bonds offered to the public have not been denominated in HK dollars probably because of concerns over the stability of HK's linked exchange rate and the differential credit ratings of the two economies. Even though HK has become increasingly well equipped to handle the clearing, settlement and custody of local and foreign currency bonds across its borders, it needs to continue to lobby for and attract CM government and corporate issues of foreign currency bonds (and Rmb bonds, if this were to be permitted) if it is to establish itself as a regional bond centre in Asia.     

More than a primitive imperialism: The colonial government and the social relief of Hong Kong in the early twentieth century

The implication of the social relief of Hong Kong in the early twentieth century has not been stressed sufficiently by researchers on social administration. The post‐colonial historiography, which would likely be dominated by Chinese communist historians, most probably will reinforce the reductionist view ‘British imperialist was indifferent to the social relief for Hong Kong grassroots’ to fit in the political correctness of the upcoming hegemony. This documentary analysis shows a different picture to the above common sense. Based on the new picture, we try to unveil the danger lurking in the anti‐imperialist nationalism, and suggest a possible new understanding of the history of Hong Kong's social welfare development.     

香港警察教育训练特色

中国香港警察教育训练模式主要走职业训练之路,其特色体现在教育培训的针对性、训练内容的实战性、教学管理的规范性、教学形式的多样性、教育理念的人本性、招生制度的科学性等诸多方面。完善内地警察教育训练体制应当从教育培训分层化、基础教育社会化、师资招聘多元化以及训练实战一体化入手。     

The Legitimacy Problem and Democratic Reform in Hong Kong

On 1 July 2003, over half a million Hong Kong people staged a mass protest against the poor governance of the post-handover Hong Kong government. The grievances of the marchers quickly snowballed into a widely backed movement for democracy. The subsequent record-breaking support for pro-democratic candidates during the local elections held on 23 November 2003 unnerved Beijing over its possible loss of control over Hong Kong. Beijing swiftly shifted to a hard-line approach, attempting to dampen the local democracy movement. This paper will expound the five fundamental causes of Hong Kong's broad-based demand for full democracy, analyse its type of democratic transition to illuminate its political dynamics, and highlight the parameters impacting its democratic development.     

香港政党与香港特别行政区政府的关系取向

在香港政制架构内,行政长官非政党背景的规定,使任何政党都不能获取最高行政权。香港政党无论是处于履行监督政府职责的考虑,还是应付选举的需要,都需要与政府唱对台戏,但为了反对而反对显然缺乏理性。香港政府与支持性政党之间需要加强联系,双方相互依赖的互动会造就香港特色的政党政府。     

21世纪以来梅州籍华侨华人、港澳同胞与侨乡的公益事业

进入21世纪,梅州籍华侨华人、港澳同胞捐助侨乡公益的力度和广度都大大提升,“造血型”捐助项目增多。但是也存在捐赠渠道、领域有待拓宽、捐赠项目有待提质、新生代侨捐未能有效培育等问题。在新时代下,为了更好地推动侨乡公益事业的可持续发展,可以在拓宽侨捐渠道、打造特色项目领域、维系乡情以涵养侨捐资源上有所作为。     

Economic prosperity or democracy: Dilemma of development in Hong Kong and China

After Hong Kong is integrated with mainland China in July 1997, the economic and political environments of the two places will inevitably link up with each other. Economic modernization significantly not only improves the living conditions of the Chinese, but also alters their social structure and political values. As such, economic prosperity and democracy become the two conflicting values in Hong Kong and China during the transition to 2000. The people of Hong Kong and China are presented a choice over two mutually exclusive targets: economic prosperity vs. democracy. On the one hand, the choice for economic prosperity will imply no democracy because a conservative political system will be maintained to preserve the political status quo. On the other hand, the choice for democracy will imply no economic prosperity, because democratization will be suppressed and hence the economy will suffer as a result of political instability. However, neither of these two choices could offer the people of Hong Kong and China a genuine prosperity and stability. Therefore a congruent relationship between the economy and the political system must be established and maintained. As prosperity is contributed by both economic growth and political stability, neglection of either of these two elements will not result in a long‐lasting prosperity. Thus, economic development and democratization are two complementary rather than contradicting forces on the road to development in China.     

The Role of a Political Interest Group in Democratization of China and Hong Kong: the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China

The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China (HKASPDM) is a cross-border political interest group advocating for democratization in both mainland China and Hong Kong. It was involved in the bold rescue of mainland democrats out of the PRC shortly after the June 1989 Tiananmen crackdown; it constantly exerts pressure on the PRC government to release its political prisoners; it has been influencing the Hong Kong government on the scope and pace of democratization; it communicates with and subsidizes overseas Chinese groups supportive of democratic reforms in China; it is persistently educating the younger generations of Hong Kong and most importantly mainland visitors to Hong Kong on the 1989 Tiananmen tragedy; and its supporters have attempted to cross the border of Hong Kong to Macao to influence the policy of the Chinese government toward political prisoners. As a political interest group based in Hong Kong with cross-border influences on both the mainland and Macao, the Alliance has been making full use of the available political space and freedom of assembly in Hong Kong to achieve their ultimate objective of having a ‘democratic China’. Its existence in the HKSAR is an indication of a certain degree of political tolerance by both the Hong Kong government and Beijing, which have to be very careful of the need to maintain an image of the feasible formula of ‘one country, two systems’ in Hong Kong.     

CEPA: a milestone in the economic integration between Hong Kong and Mainland China

Since 1979, when Mainland China began to open up its economy, a process of economic integration has been going on between Hong Kong and Mainland China. The return of Hong Kong to Mainland China in 1997 speeded up the integration process. China's entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) at the end of 2001 further intensified the integration process. In June 2003, CEPA (Closer Economic Participation Arrangement) was signed between Mainland China and Hong Kong, which set a further important milestone in the economic integration between them. In June 2004, the concept of regional economic integration was inaugurated in the Pan-Pearl River Delta Regional Cooperation and Development Forum. This article attempts to review the economic integration process after the signing of CEPA. Issues related to the implementation of CEPA are also examined and discussed. It is hoped that both the Hong Kong business sector and potential foreign investors can have a comprehensive picture of CEPA so that they can design appropriate actions to benefit most from CEPA.     

Public Perceptions of Income Inequality in Hong Kong: trends,causes and implications

This article examines the patterns and changes in public perceptions of domestic income inequality in Hong Kong in the past two decades and explains individual variations in these perceptions. It found that the perceived seriousness of income disparities had been persistently high, while the perceived unjustness of income disparities showed a fluctuating trend. Our findings lent partial support to the structural position thesis that the privileged groups are less likely than the underprivileged groups to consider existing income disparities to be serious and unjust. Nonetheless, the popular understanding of poverty is still biased towards ‘individual’ explanations, and this perhaps explains why the government is less willing to tackle the economic and political foundations of poverty in Hong Kong.