THE PARTICIPATORY AND DEMOCRATIC POTENTIAL AND PRACTICE OF INTEREST GROUPS: BETWEEN SOLIDARITY AND REPRESENTATION

Embracing ‘groups’ as means to address democratic deficiencies invites scrutiny of their democratic practices. However, many groups lack internal democratic practices and offer few opportunities for affiliates to participate. Guided by an implicit ‘representation’ narrative of groups, the absence of internal democratic practices is interpreted as a sign of ‘failure’ or ‘deficiency’. Some scholars have entertained the idea of setting minimum standards of internal democracy as a prerequisite for policy access. This article scrutinizes this emerging consensus and its ‘representation’ narrative. Drawing upon the work of O’Neill (2001) and Pitkin (1967) , it is argued that groups can also be viewed through a lens of solidarity. This paper argues that the type of constituency a group advocates for can be used to calibrate expectations of internal democratic structures of accountability and authorization. The concepts of ‘representation’ and ‘solidarity’ are used to make sense of the (changeable) practices of a variety of groups.     

GOVERNANCE AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: CHANGES AND CHALLENGES

This paper examines the issue of governance in the process of economic development. The paper first provides a literature review on the various arguments regarding the role of government in promoting economic development and the major issues emphasized in recent government reform projects. The paper then focuses on three major policy changes and reforms that are related to the area of governance and economic development: (1) regulatory reform, (2) privatization policy, and (3) decentralization policy. The paper concludes with discussions about the continuing arguments about the role of government, the increasing importance of local governments, and the contribution of nongovernmental or nonprofit organizations in economic development.     

RATIONAL POLITICIANS AND RATIONAL BUREAUCRATS IN WASHINGTON AND WHITEHALL

William Niskanen's theory of Bureaucracy and Representative Government predicts that the interaction of rational vote-maximizing politicians and rational budget-maximizing bureaucrats will lead to an oversupply of bureaucratic goods and services. The demand, supply and motivational components of this model are all shown to be flawed; and the oversupply conclusion therefore fails to follow. A revised model constructed from the elements that can be salvaged from this critique suggests that rational mission-committed politicians and bureaucrats join in a policy-making oligopoly, run internally on the basis of trust and externally on the manipulation of information. This leads to a skewing (rather than a simple oversupply) of bureaucratic goods and services. Some evidence suggests that this model fits British as well as American policy-making.     

NETWORK GOVERNANCE AND ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT: CONFLICT AND COOPERATION

In this article we propose structural preconditions for effective network governance, including network structures that can facilitate effective coordination of action (such as relational and structural embeddedness), and agreement among network actors about goals and actions. We illustrate circumstances in which these preconditions do not seem to be met through a case study of environmental governance of a major water resource – the Swan River in Western Australia. This governance system, since changed by legislation, did not exhibit embeddedness among its constituent organizations, and crucial relations involved contestation, with organizations apparently pursuing different goals. This paper demonstrates how advanced social network methods can be used to analyse a networked governance system.     

WEBER AND KAFKA: THE RATIONAL AND THE ENIGMATIC BUREAUCRACY

Max Weber's and Franz Kafka's respective understandings of bureaucracy are as different as night and day. Yet, Kafka's novel The Castle is best read with Max Weber at hand. In fact, Kafka relates systematically to all the dimensions in Weber's ideal type of bureaucracy and give us a much‐contemplated parody, almost a counter‐punctual ideal type, based on four key observations: bureaucratic excesses unfold in time and space; a ‘no error’ ideology generates inescapable dilemmas; inscrutability is a life condition in bureaucracy; civil servants end up walking on the spot, just like the figures in Escher's painting: Ascending and Descending. Nevertheless, Weber and Kafka can both be right. While Kafka looks at the bureaucratic phenomenon through persons who are marginalized, Weber's perspective is historic‐comparative and top‐down. Are the observations of the one more correct than the other? The question is meaningless. As two opposite poles, Weber and Kafka ‘magnetize’ each other.     

INTER‐MUNICIPAL COOPERATION AND COSTS: EXPECTATIONS AND EVIDENCE

Austerity and fiscal crisis make the search for cost‐saving reforms in local government more critical. While cost savings from privatization have frequently proven ephemeral, inter‐municipal cooperation has been a relatively understudied reform. We analyse the literature on cost savings under cooperation and find that savings are dependent on (1) the cost structure of public services, particularly those related to scale and density economies and externalities, (2) the structure of local government (size, metropolitan location, powers granted by the nation or regional state), and (3) the governance framework at the local/regional level where cooperation varies from informal to formal. European studies give more emphasis to cost savings, while US studies focus on coordination concerns arising from the higher degree of devolution in the US local government system.     

PUBLIC BUDGETING AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: EVOLUTION AND PRACTICE OF AN IDEA

One of the major dimensions of public budgeting relates to the generation of growth, employment, and more favorable income redistribution in the economy. This dimension had come to acquire a good deal of importance during the last seventy years. The use of public budgeting for purposes of promoting economic growth, employment, income distribution, has so far been considered as a part of development economics in general, and more specifically, as a part of economic planning. Indeed, such use has been so extensive that it is difficult to consider budgeting for economic development without a consideration of organized economic planning and associated formulation of medium term and annual plans. Planning itself has gone through several vicissitudes during these decades. As an extension, budgeting too has gone through several phases. By 1985, nearly 300 plans were formulated by developing countries. During the same period, the approaches in industrial countries of the west incorporated some elements of organized planning into their budgetary systems. By early 1990s, however, there was a noticeable sense of fatigue with planning. The state which was seen thus far as a solution to market failure, came to be viewed as a major problem in itself, standing between the legitimate aspirations of the community and their realization. Countries, particularly those belonging to the Soviet block, moved away from planning for economic development and came to adopt market friendly policies. In the process, several countries have abandoned formulation of economic development plans. In these countries, there has been a revival, and, therefore, strengthening of public budget as the one and only instrument of economic development conceived, sponsored, funded, and to a significant extent, implemented by the government. Plans, which at one stage had generated the illusion of permanence, proved after all, to be as transient as many other things in the world.     

MODERNIZATION AND SPORT: THE REFORM OF SPORT ENGLAND AND UK SPORT

This article evaluates the impact of New Labour's 'modernization project' on two key non-departmental public bodies for sport, Sport England and UK Sport. Our analysis concentrates on identifying the sources of the general momentum for modernization in the sport sector, how it has been interpreted by government in relation to the two organizations, the nature and consequences of modernization for both organizations, and the future of modernization. The analysis is informed by a range of public documents produced by government and by the two sports agencies, together with a series of seven interviews conducted with senior staff and members of Sport England and UK Sport and with senior civil servants in the Department for Culture, Media and Sport. Our conclusions suggest that modernization has resulted in a narrowing of the two organizations' objectives, the adoption of business-like principles and a 'command and control' regime in relationships with key frontline delivery partners.     

POLICE AND PUBLIC ORDER

Does economic deterioration in a developed country such as Great Britain inevitably mean increasing disorder and lawlessness? How would the forces of law and order react to authoritarian governments of the political left and right? These two questions and the likely answers form the first part of this essay. The Royal Commission on the Police (1962) faced the question of either retaining a police system based on local government or recommending its replacement by a national police force under the Home Secretary. With one powerful dissension they chose the former. They claimed to have solved the problem of democratic accountability of the police, but in recent years cracks have begun to appear in the system. The vexed question of the prospects of schism between a chief constable and his police authority committee is examined. Finally, it is suggested the British governmental institutions, including Parliament itself, are insufficiently democratic, and that a Bill of Rights protecting civil liberties is long overdue.     

QUALITY AND PUBLIC SERVICES

The issue of quality of service is becoming increasingly important in the public service as a result of new approaches that are being adopted to management, notably the development of contract-based management. The argument of this article is that the concept of quality is a particularly difficult one for the public services, because of problems of information asymmetries. The first sections of the article are concerned with the meaning of the concept of quality and the problems of managing quality in the service sector and the public service in particular. The central argument of the article is that there are important problems of information asymmetries between service providers and service consumers. Four different situations of differential information availability are distinguished. The article argues that the issue of quality in the public service is an inherently political one.     

THE INTERNET AND DEMOCRACY: THE CAUSAL LINKS BETWEEN TECHNOLOGY AND POLITICS

Abstract

This paper strives to explicate the causal links between changing technology and democratic governance. Its overarching goal is to define the relevant concepts of communication and governance and more importantly, to focus empirical observations on the critical dimensions of a multifaceted phenomenon. The analysis focuses on three key links in this causal chain. The first is the effects of technological in novation on different communication activities. The second link involves the role communication and information play in democratic governance. The final is the social and political mechanisms by which technological innovations are introduced within and transform democratic processes and institutions. We argue that a sharper understanding of these three essential links will enable the growing numbers of researchers interested in electronic democracy to employ the massive social experiment the Internet represents to clarify and further democratic theory itself.

The rise of the Internet has led to a burgeoning literature on the probable effects of emerging information and communication technologies (ICTs) on democratic processes. The breadth of the debate is impressive, largely due to the complexity of democratic governance and the historic implications of the information age. Those venturing into this literature, however, are met with a confusing tangle of propositions, many of which are contradictory and all of which are interrelated in unexplicated ways. Fears of social polarization due to inequitable access to ICTs or of increasing govern-ment intrusion into our private lives are juxtaposed against the promise of rejuvenated political participation engendered by new communication channels. Visions of citizens being empowered by ubiquitous access to government information are tempered by warnings of information overload.

This paper strives to clarify the links between changing technology and democratic governance. Analysts observe technology driving a number of profound changes in our communication systems: costs are plummeting, advanced capabilities are becoming increasingly easy to use, interconnected networks enable users to access information stored on millions of computers, the Internet enables whole new populations to broadcast content, and real time as well as asynchronous multicasting support entirely new modes of communication. Unfortunately, much of the writing on electronic democracy treats technological advance as a deus ex machina inextricably leading to a certain final outcome. Critical causal links remain implicit. In what ways does the Internet improve and qualitatively change existing and already quite advanced communication systems? What specific roles do information and communication play in democratic governance? What are the social and political mechanisms by which technologies affect democratic processes and institutions?

Greater attention to these linkages is warranted for a number of reasons. Both democratic governance and modern communication systems are complex and multifaceted. Theory is needed to define the relevant concepts and to focus empirical observations on the critical dimensions of these phenomena. Moreover, the history of technological prognostication is littered with faulty predictions of the impacts of new technologies.[1] Pool, I., ed. 1977. The Social Impact of the Telephone 502Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press.  [Google Scholar] These impacts only become apparent slowly over many years, and they are often small and unanticipated.[2] Abramson, J.R., Arterton, F.C. and Orren, G.O. 1988. The Electronic Commonwealth: The Impact of New Media Technologies on Democratic Politics 331New York: Basic Books. They argue that television did not significantly effect campaign politics until the late 1960s, about 20 years after the boom in television broadcasting began. See also, Berry, J.M.; Portnoy, K.E.; Thomson, K. The Rebirth of Urban Democracy; The Brookings Institution: Washington, DC, 1993; 326 pp. In their thorough examination of the effects of formal citizen participation mechanisms, they found that political institutions designed to improve communication between citizens and their local governments led to only small changes in political outcomes, processes, and citizen attitudes. [Google Scholar] Consequently, researchers require a comprehensive understanding of the phenomena under investigation to interpret the long-run implications of intermediate outcomes. Finally, with a sharper understanding of the linkages between technology and governance, researchers will be better prepared to employ the massive social experiment represented by the Internet to clarify and further democratic theory itself.

This project extends well beyond the scope of a single paper, and our aims here are accordingly modest. We do not present a grand theory of communication technology and governmental reform. Rather, we define the necessary elements of such a theory and elaborate these elements employing existing concepts from communication studies, political science, and other disciplines. The paper proceeds as follows. We begin by noting five empirical observations that must shape theory. Then we proceed to define and discuss three necessary elements of a theory of communication technology and democracy. Conclusions follow.     

POLICY AND ORGANIZATIONAL TERMINATION

The goal of this symposium is to encourage the exploration of the topic of policy and organizational termination. This introductory article reviews the most recent published literature in this field and summarizes the articles included in this symposium. Four original, commissioned, research articles are included in this symposium. Although the topic of policy and organizational termination continues to be underattended, this symposium is the latest of a number of recent publications that have contributed to greater understanding of the phenomenon of termination.