伊藤博文与日英同盟

缔结日英同盟是近代日本外交史上的一个重大事件，当时伊藤博文是元老中的主导者，在外交事务上拥有极大的发言权。伊藤博文对日英同盟采取了怎样的态度、在同盟交涉中起了什么样的作用，对此史学界是众说纷纭。本文主要利用日英同盟的提出及交涉期间，伊藤与首相桂太郎、外相小村寿太郎、元老井上馨、驻英国公使林董等之间的信息交流资料，来探讨一下伊藤的态度及其在整个过程中所起的作用。伊藤博文不反对日英同盟，但主张先进行日俄协商，协商结束后再推进日英同盟。而桂太郎内阁则趁伊藤出访海外之机，全力推进缔结同盟，事实上将伊藤置于决策之外，使其处于被知会者地位，打破了长期以来伊藤博文、井上馨等对日本外交的垄断局面。     

Getting It Right: Japan and Trans-Pacific Partnership

This paper explores the opportunities presented by the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) to Japan to revitalize its trade policy, bolster economic growth, and increase participation in regional multilateral fora for the 21^st century. Despite its strengths, Japan has continued to face problems caused by its economic, political, and strategic policies. The Japanese economy has been stagnant for the last several decades, and Japan needs to take bold steps to ameliorate this situation. Politically, domestic political paralysis has had a negative impact on Japan's alliances and partnerships and eroded Tokyo's ability to act as a major player in the increasing vital and important Indo-Pacific region. Connected to this, it is imperative for Japan to engage itself deeply in Asia in ways that increase strategic trust. This paper will also highlight the necessary reforms Japan must undertake to take full advantage of the benefits of the TPP, as well as what the TPP might mean for its relationship with both the US and other regional partners.     

Medicine in Africa as I have seen It

This address by Dr. Smith was given before a joint meeting ofthe Royal African Society and the Royal Empire Society withLt.-Col. Sir Stewart Symes in the chair. Dr. Smith is May Readerin Medicine at Oxford University and Physician-in-Charge ofthe tuberculous Meningitis Unit at the United Oxford Hospitals.She formerly worked with Sir Hugh Cairns at the Radcliffe Infirmary,and was associated with him in starting certain research projectsin Africa concerned with various aspects of tuberculosis.     

Understanding the Hermit Kingdom As It Is and As It Is Becoming: The Past,Present and Future of North Korea

North Korea, a Cold War remnant in East Asia, has long been treated as an impenetrable mystery and an excruciatingly difficult subject to comprehend given its closed system, under which it has maintained its isolation even from its closest allies and neighbours. The idiosyncrasies that revolve around North Korea do pose challenges for understanding the country through the “conventional wisdom.” Nonetheless, as acknowledged by the scholarly works reviewed in this article, the regime in Pyongyang must be dealt with as it is and as it is becoming so as to better understand both the challenges and opportunities for the country. The difficult task for the United States (US) and its allies in East Asia, however, is to be pragmatic in terms of dealing with the regime in Pyongyang and to project strength in a way that promotes long-term regional and global peace as well as the betterment of people in the country. The books reviewed are Charles Armstrong, Tyranny of the Weak: North Korea and the World, 1950?1992, Andrei Lankov, The Real North Korea: Life and Politics in the Failed Stalinist Utopia and the collection edited by Kyung-ae Park and Scott Snyder, North Korea in Transition: Politics, Economy, and Society.     

Trust: Why and How Historians Should Study It

Recent scholarship has examined the decline of trust between citizens and the elected representatives, which is seemingly a hallmark of contemporary Western democracies. But the problem is not new. This study draws on newspaper accounts to trace the accumulation and erosion of trust in the Scullin federal Labor government, during its early months. Elected on 12 October 1929, James Scullin's government was expected to resolve the long‐running New South Wales’ miners’ strike; his deputy, E.G. Theodore, promised Labor would return the miners to work on pre‐stoppage conditions. The promise was undeliverable. The lockout dragged on through Scullin's first months in office, with the miners refusing to work on reduced wages and the government unable to deliver on Theodore's pledge. By the end of January 1930, the government's trust relations with its core constituency had unraveled. This case study illustrates how trust is made and unmade through complex relations between individuals, and between individuals and institutions.     

A Historian for All Seasons: Essays for Geoffrey Bolton

A Historian for All Seasons: Essays for Geoffrey Bolton . Edited by Stuart Macintyre, Lenore Layman, and Jenny Gregory (Clayton, Vic.: Monash University Publishing, 2017), pp. xx + 345. $39.95 (pb).     

Friends Have All Things in Common: Utopian Property Relations

Utopian theory has long challenged the conventions of private property. Drawing on two case studies, this article explores utopian practices that challenge dominant property narratives. These practices range from the mundane to the profound and occur inside the domestic, economic, interpersonal and ideological structures of the cases in question. These cases are Riverside and Centrepoint Communities: two intentional communities, comprised of people who have chosen to live and work together for a common purpose, are critical of current socioeconomic (and ideological, spiritual and interpersonal) norms and who intend to create a better life for their members.     

印尼教育简史、现状及面临的问题

印尼教育大致分为三个历史时期 ,即宗教教育、殖民教育和国民教育。自公元 1世纪 ,婆罗门教、印度教的寺院和伊斯兰教的清真寺及小礼拜寺先后成为教育中心 ,以讲经布道为主。印尼独立初期 ,将小学到大学的学习时间由原来的 14年缩短为 12年 ,取消了荷兰语作为教学用语。195 0年政府颁布了基础教育法 ,旨在实行小学 6年级义务教育。新秩序时期 ,政府重视发展教育 ,196 9年 10月成立了教育发展局 ,负责研究、规划和协调教育工作。 1984年 6月在全国开始对7- 12岁的儿童实行强制性初级教育。 1989年 3月 2 7日通过了印尼国家教育法 ,教育宗旨为“实现以建国五基为本的繁荣公正社会”。在实施国民教育中 ,实行义务教育制度 ,宪法规定 ,所有儿童在满 6岁时 ,有最低享受六年义务教育的权利。印尼高等教育始于荷兰殖民时期。 195 0年 2月 2日 ,印尼共和国高等师范学院与印尼大学合并 ,称作印尼大学 ,并发展成今日印尼最高学府。印尼高等教育发展迅速 ,高校数量自 195 0年的 10所发展到现在的 10 0 0余所。面临的问题 :1 经费不足 ;2 教师待遇低 ;3 在实行特别自治的地区 ,教育问题将突出。     

The Winner Does Not Take All: Lessons from the Israel-Hamas Conflict

Despite countless studies on victory in armed conflict, scholars disagree about the exact meaning of this term. This article, using primary sources in Hebrew and Arabic, aims to define victory and to discern between types of successful outcomes in war. We analyze three case studies of military collision between Israel and Hamas through a model featuring four levels: tactical, operational, strategic, and systemic. The study shows that in all three clashes (2008, 2012, 2014), the outcomes are difficult to evaluate because the boundaries between the definitions are foggy. It also concludes that neither side has achieved a strategic victory that breaks the status quo that has held since June 2007—though Hamas's leaders have claimed strategic victory due to the group's survival. Israel, without advanced planning, has relied on tactical wins for its strategic policy.