90年代新加坡政党制度的特点

９０年代以来,随着新加坡民众政治参与要求的日益增加,政治多元化成为新加坡社会中的一种新趋向,政治民主化的要求在社会的每一个角落发出了不同的呐喊,与此相对应,政治舞台上反对党的力量有所增强,反对党议员重返议会,大选中反对党的得票率不断回升。在议会中,人民行动党议员对政府提出的疑问和质询的议案不断增加。人民行动党为了巩固和维护一党独大的政党政治格局,也不断作出努力和调整、政党政治己走向了制度化。１．反对党重新活跃在新加坡政治舞台上,人民行动党一统天下的局面受到不断的挑战。人民行动党是新加坡政治的核心…     

新加坡青少年公民道德教育研究及启示

重视青少年公民道德教育是新加坡社会秩序和治安环境良好的重要因素之一。新加坡通过培养青少年核心价值观、培养青少年的领导力、减少社区青少年犯罪、为社区青少年提供技能培训与注重社会实践等方式开展实务教育。这对改善我国青少年公民道德教育、创新教育途径与方法、丰富教育形式和载体、强化教育社会功能具有重要启示。     

缅甸海盗在中国监狱

以美国为首的西方国家对中国的人权横加指责,就连中国监狱对犯人的管教也要说三道四,事实上是他们睁着眼睛说瞎话,我与14名缅甸籍海盗罪犯同在一个监狱服刑,亲眼看到了无论是中国犯人还是外国犯人都受到了良好待遇.     

新加坡中医药业的发展

新加坡的中医药业 ,最早是由南渡星洲的华侨传入的 ,经过华侨先辈不断努力而得到发扬光大 ,可以说中医药业在新加坡的发展是新加坡华侨、华人发展史的一个重要侧面。本文试图回顾中医药业在新加坡的发展历程 ,并就其现状和前景作初步分析。一、新加坡中医药业发展回顾(一 )新加坡中医药业的早期发展 (从开埠到独立 )中新之间最早的医药传播是以贸易为媒介的 ,宋元明清历代从事海外贸易的商人在向新加坡输入货物的同时 ,也把中医药传到了新加坡。在中新早期的医药交流和发展中 ,彼此引进了新医、新药来丰富各自的医学和医药品种。如新加坡的…     

一个华族社团的结构与功能演变--新加坡福建会馆的历史轨迹

新加坡福建会馆的历史轨迹,一方面可通过其结构性变迁得以追溯,即决策权逐渐由个人向集体转移,以及人员不断扩展与网络渐次衍生;另一方面又可通过其功能性演变得到展示,即从凸显宗教-政治性到注重文化-教育性,以及“非营利性”前提下经济收入来源与用途的转变。新加坡福建会馆的历史,就是一部文化适应与社会适应的历史。     

李瑞华——因为有了爱

从走上女子监狱的领导岗位的时候开始,李瑞华心里就知道她不是做官,而是担负起了一副千斤重担,是要带领全体党员、干警用她们的真诚,将党的教育、感化和挽救政策的阳光,照进每一名服刑人员的心间,使她们能够逐渐走上光明的人生道路。她常说:"监狱不仅仅是惩罚罪恶的场所,更应是教化、引导罪犯弃恶向善的大学校。"为了更好的对罪犯实施管理与改造,李瑞华提出了注重实施分类教育、注重加强心理健康教育、注重加强文化技术教育、注重加强情感教育、     

新加坡现代化进程中的马来人

仅占新加坡人口 14 1%的马来民族过去一直是贫穷落后的代名词 ,但是 ,随着新加坡现代化进程的展开 ,马来人已经在经济、政治、文化等各方面都发生了巨大变化 ,与其他族群的距离不断缩小 ,并最终成长为完全融入新加坡主流社会、具有新加坡人特质的新加坡人。本人拟对新加坡现代化进程中马来人的进步及其原因作一个全面而深入的论述。一新加坡自 195 9年实行自治后 ,即开始现代化过程。现代化进程的展开给新加坡各个方面带来急速而彻底的改观 ,使新加坡从一个落后的传统社会走向成功的现代社会。在这一进程中 ,落后的马来民族同样追随着时代…     

新加坡华语运动

新加坡是一个由华族、马来族、印度族共同建立起来的国家,全国人口有250万,其中华人占76％,为新加坡的主体民族,新加坡是东南亚各国中唯一的华人占绝大多数的国家。从1905年起,新加坡开始有华侨学校,侨校数和学生人数不断上升,华文学校在华人社会发展史上扮演着极重要的角色。英殖民政府对华文学校的作用及它超过了英文学校的发展很不高兴,总是想方设法要改变这一局面,但直到第二次世界大战结束初期,仍然抑制不住华     

新加坡强政府与好政府

政府在一个国家的社会经济发展中起着至关重要的作用。从20世纪60年代的发展中国家纵身一跃跻身于90年代的发达国家 ,新加坡以自身的成功向人们证明了这一简单的道理 ,也提供了其他发展中国家学习与借鉴的样板。新加坡的成功令世界瞩目 ,同时也存在一些问题。新加坡的成功经验 ,可以简单地概括为以下六个字 :即“强政府”与“好政府”。“强政府”是新加坡政治制度的一个重要特征 ,也是新加坡成功的一个基本条件。这种“强”有两种含义 :一是狭义的理解 ,即强行政 ,这是相对于立法机关而言的。这是由历史形成的。从19世纪20年代中期开始 ,新…     

国际社会影响下的新加坡国家认同的变迁与现状

国际社会的力量是新加坡界定其国家认同的基础以及影响其国家认同表现形式变迁的重要因素,它促进并形成了新加坡国家认同的"冲击—反应"模式。从地缘政治因素,到经济全球化及其带来的文化冲击,国际社会力量在不断形塑新加坡的国家认同形式。近年来的《联合早报》相关报道显示,国际社会中跨国人口的流动因素成为影响新加坡国家认同的新的重要因素。     

Modes of prison administration,control and governmentality in Latin America: adoption,adaptation and hybridity

This article analyses processes of international policy transfer and diffusion in an understudied aspect of security sector reform: prisons. It looks at how Latin American countries, especially Brazil, have responded to a growing security crisis of capacity, effectiveness and violence within their prison systems by adopting, adapting and even resisting reform models available globally in three reform areas: prison administration (state-run versus forms of privatisation and public-private partnerships); control (the technologies of super-max versus the intelligence- and relationship-centred approach of dynamic security); and governmentality (the ethos underpinning state and societal treatment of offenders as subjects and objects of penal discipline). It also examines how Brazil has produced its own home-grown models of penal governance—prisons run by civil society in partnership with the state—which challenge some of the current dominant tropes in prison reform. The globalisation of neoliberal modes of governance may often aim at institutional monocropping, and isomorphism certainly occurs, yet examination of actual practices confirms that Brazil, and the region, have adopted a hybridised diversity of penal reforms.     

Limits of tolerance under pressure: a case study of Dutch terrorist detention policy

Policy-makers who are confronted with the potential spread of violent extremist ideologies among prison inmates are challenged to design sustainable prison regimes which are suitable to counter prison radicalisation whilst rehabilitating and reintegrating inmates into society. This article outlines a theoretical framework that explains how uncertainty and pressure in the policy-making context heightens the need for structure that induces a shift towards intolerance and stereotypic black-and-white thinking, which leads to the introduction of unbalanced, one-sided prison regimes. We argue that in the long run, these prison regimes are likely to be self-undermining and unsustainable because they undermine long-term security objectives and cause undesired side effects. These propositions are illustrated by an in-depth case study of the Dutch terrorist detention policy.     

Can we measure civil society? A proposed methodology for international comparative research

In recent years, there has been renewed interest in the concept of civil society in development and governance circles. Broadly understood as the space in society where collective citizen action takes place, civil society has, in fact, proved an extremely difficult concept to define and operationalise. This article proposes a framework and methodology for measuring and comparing the state of different civil societies around the world. It concludes with a discussion of outstanding questions and challenges, drawing on preliminary insights from current efforts to apply the approach in more than 50 countries.     

Civil Society and the Responsibility to Protect

While a vast and growing literature on various aspects of responsibility to protect (R2P) exists, little attention has yet been given to the role played by civil society in the development and implementation of this doctrine. This paper aims to fill this gap. After providing a typology of civil society organisations—categorising this amorphous sphere into advocacy, operational and indigenous groups—this paper examines the contribution of civil society to the discussion surrounding the development of R2P. In particular, civil society has debated three main issues: the pros and cons of building an international coalition to promote R2P, the possibility that great powers could hijack the doctrine and the opportunity of using force during R2P implementation. As a whole, this paper argues that not only advocacy, operational and indigenous civil society organisations hold different ideas about R2P and have different strategies for its implementation but, more importantly, their approaches, strategies and actions may end up undercutting one another. This argument is explored in the case of Darfur—the first crisis many analysts have described as an R2P situation.     

The Emotional Deficit in Political Communication

As a consequence of social changes which have weakened the boundaries between different spheres of life, politics is now interwoven with popular culture. This means that we now seek certain kinds of emotionalized experience from politics. The relationship of people to politics has changed, and has come more fully to resemble a mode of consumption. While this consumerization of politics has been much described (and criticized), its implications for the place of emotion in political communications have not been explored. From a base in the sociology of emotion, this article undertakes such an exploration. It notes how some analysts of political communication have already registered the influence of emotional states, and stresses how contemporary emotionality differs from traditional conceptions of the emotional as a domain separable from rationality and as an optional button for message strategists to press. The complexity and omnipresence of emotional states is emphasised. Political advertising is taken as one area where a sophistication of messages to match the complexity and power of audience emotions might have been expected to develop, but does not appear to have done so yet to a great extent. Making good this "emotional deficit" in political communications is not primarily a way for particular parties or candidates to gain electoral advantage (though it could be that), but is essential for the regeneration of the democratic process and the creation of a more viable settlement between reason and emotion in contemporary society.     

Rationalist state,revolutionist EU and realist war: Austria in international society

This article examines Austria's position as a small, neutral state in the international society as framed by the English School. This examination is chiefly done in the face of the effects of great power conflicts and their impact on Western Europe's society of states. In doing so, the article provides insights to the fundamental puzzles concerning the ways power is managed between states, great and small alike. The article surveys how war (such as in South Ossetia in 2008) and war-like incidents affected Austria's position in the international society and the understanding of its place in great power conflicts between East and West. I argue that neutrality, despite European integration in the context of a peaceful international society, remains a political option for small states such as Austria. This option is especially lively if there is a domestic sentimental attachment to it and sticking to it does not undermine domestic or European and international foreign policy rationale and interests.     

解析赞比亚独立以来的酋长制度

酋长制度是非洲一项传统的政治制度。赞比亚独立后保留了酋长制度,通过对酋长的权力进行限制和改造,将酋长纳入了国家现代政治管理的框架中,并让酋长在特定范围内发挥他们的传统权威作用,为赞比亚现代社会发展服务。酋长制度在现代赞比亚得到保留,权力受到限制与削弱,同时在现代文明的影响下酋长的面貌出现了许多新变化。酋长制度在现代赞比亚得以保留并继续发挥作用,有深刻的历史和现实原因。在现代赞比亚,酋长依然是国家政治生活中的一支重要力量,掌管着本地的公共事务和土地管理分配权。酋长制度作为赞比亚传统文化的符号和象征对经济发展起一定的促进作用,更重要的是,酋长制度能够促进赞比亚民族国家的整合。因此,酋长制度作为传统因素能够为赞比亚的现代社会发展提供动力。     

NGOs: between buzzwords and social movements

The associations that the term ‘NGO’ has acquired in development discourse need to be critically analysed in relation to practice on the ground. Drawing on an analysis of the rise of NGOs in Palestine, the author suggests that the development of the NGO movement served to demobilise Palestinian civil society in a phase of national struggle. Through professionalisation and projectisation brought about by donor-funded attempts to promote ‘civil society’, a process of NGOisation has taken place. The progressive de-politicisation of the women's movement that NGOisation has brought about has created a vacuum that has been increasingly filled by the militancy of the Islamic Movement (Hamas). As this case shows, ‘NGOs’ may be a development buzzword, but they are no magic bullet. Rather than taking for granted the positive, democratising effects of the growth and spread of NGOs as if they represented ‘civil society’ itself, this article contends, a more critical approach is needed, one that takes greater account of the politics of specific contexts and of the dynamics of institutionalisation.     

日本近代刑法变革简述

刑法是国家之中的重要法律部门。日本自明治维新以来发生了深刻的变化,日本的刑法为了适应社会的发展而不断发生变化。到二次世界大战结束之前,发生了数次变革,这种变化发生的历程深刻体现着日本社会发展和法制发展进程中的被动性,而这种被动性中又有着很强的独立性。     

浅论西伯利亚流放

16世纪末,沙俄统治者在占领西伯利亚后,即把那里确定为新的流放地。在随后的300多年的时间里,大批的刑事犯和政治犯被流放到西伯利亚。然而无论是作为惩罚措施,还是移民手段,抑或是为了排除对其统治的威胁,西伯利亚流放都显得微不足道。1917年二月革命后,随着沙皇专制制度的覆灭,西伯利亚流放制度被最终废除了。