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In 1929, local officials in the mountainous region of upper Ajara in the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR) pursued aggressive policies to force women to remove their veils and to close religious schools, provoking the Muslim peasant population to rebellion in one of the largest and most violent of such incidents in Soviet history. The central authorities in Moscow authorized the use of Red Army troops to suppress the uprising, but they also reversed the local initiatives and offered the peasants concessions. Based on Party and secret police files from the Georgian archives in Tbilisi and Batumi, this article will explore the ways in which local cadres interpreted regime policies in this Muslim region of Georgia, and the interaction of the center and periphery in dealing with national identity, Islam, gender, and everyday life in the early Soviet period.  相似文献   

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Abstract

Defining the state as ‘organised violence’, based on the emergence of the modern European national state system, Charles Tilly identified four essential war-driven, state-building activities: ‘war-making’; ‘state-making’; ‘protection’ of elite ‘clients’; and ‘extraction’ of resources. Drawing on Tilly's primary categories of analysis, this essay considers the ways in which war, or the threat of war, real or imagined, shaped the Soviet state, particularly in its Stalinist manifestation. This essay argues that Tilly's warfare-state paradigm, judiciously deployed, brings into high relief facets of Soviet state-making that few other paradigms do.  相似文献   

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Regardless of immigrant status, citizenship or allegiance, all have been consumed by the magnitude of human devastation which occurred in the United States on September 11, 2001. People who were killed or traumatized came from myriad countries. Yet many in the immigrant community appear to be among the newest casualties of terrorism in the wake of the disaster. This article examines how the World Trade Center tragedy affected the social and psychological well-being of immigrants and the implications for human services.  相似文献   

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Beyond all the material and economic losses that natural disasters produce, post-disaster environments can alter the social capital of a community by affecting social norms, attitudes, and people’s behaviour. To analyse this issue, we empirically investigate the effect that the aftermath of a disaster can have on trust and reciprocity of people within communities. We do this by comparing outcomes of trust games conducted in earthquake-affected and non-affected rural villages one year after the 2010 Chilean earthquake. Our findings show that while trust levels do not differ across cases, reciprocity is lower in earthquake-affected areas.  相似文献   

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这里发表的译文选自苏联新西伯利亚"科学"出版社1990年出版的布哈林文集<社会主义之路>,是尼·伊·布哈林在1925年做的一次关于知识分子问题的演讲.正文由山东大学政治学与公共管理学院博士研究生黄登学译出,中共中央编译局研究员郑异凡先生做了校订并补译了注释.讲演做于近70年前,今天听来却并无辽远之感.听得出,我们今天议论纷纷的诸如知识劳动者阶层的兴起、知识经济等当代资本主义发展的新趋势,讲演者在近70年前就做出了一定程度的预言,这不能不使人感佩这位杰出的马克思主义理论家的远见卓识.当然,对布哈林本人及苏联社会主义模式的命运感兴趣的读者可能另有感触:演讲词中关于创作自由、思想自由、普选权等问题的观点与讲演者本人及其为之奋斗的体制的结局之间可能有着某种关联.历史的积淀而使讲词蕴涵之富,恐远非讲演者本人当年所能想像.  相似文献   

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This article examines how, if at all, the changed economic order in the aftermath of the economic crisis in 2008 has shaped the relationship between the EU and China. Theoretically, two prevalent opposing narratives in the public discourse are presented and linked to two crude versions of mercantilism and economic liberalism in the scholarly literature. The mercantilist line of reasoning posits that China will gain more political weight with its increasing economic strength. The economic liberal line of reasoning suggests that China’s economic weight does not translate into political power. These two opposing theoretical claims are examined by process tracing two most likely cases. This article concludes that despite its increased economic strength, China has enjoyed limited success in persuading the EU and its member states to change their position(s) on policy areas involving strategic interests.  相似文献   

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In strategic accounts of democratization, credible commitments by the opposition shape whether incumbents will relinquish power. Revisiting Kalyvas’s study of Algeria and Belgium, this article introduces evidence from Egypt that shows the structural readiness of incumbents remains as consequential as commitment credibility. During the period 1990–2008 the credibility of democratic commitments by the Egyptian opposition improved along the lines identified by Kalyvas. Unlike its Algerian counterpart, the Islamic movement in Egypt was able to “silence the radicals” and, after 1998, emit a non-dissonant message of electoral participation without militia violence. This improvement in commitment credibility was not reciprocated by Egyptian elites, who enjoyed western support and a sturdy repressive apparatus. Similar factors obstructed the Algerian opposition and they indicate a more disciplined, less dissonant Islamic party would have been unlikely to effect a democratic transition. Transitions are most likely when a credibly committed opposition faces an elite ready to rotate power. The second factor helps explain the success of the Catholic party in Belgium and the failure of comparable Islamic movements in North Africa.  相似文献   

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