共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Christopher Waters 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(2):153-174
This article is a study of the response of the Australian government under Robert Menzies to the emergence of the Afro‐Asian movement in the mid‐1950s, especially the element of the non‐aligned nations, which culminated in the Bandung meeting of April 1955. Non‐alignment and anti‐colonialism posed direct threats to the Menzies government's plans for the defence of Southeast Asia and its foreign policy for the region. The study of the Australian response to the Bandung meeting reveals the different legacies which European imperialism left behind in Australia compared with its neighbours in south and east Asia. 相似文献
2.
Andrea Benvenuti 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):86-106
This article examines the strategies pursued by the Australian Liberal-Country Party coalition governments of Robert Menzies and Harold Holt in their quest to secure a continuing British military presence in Malaysia and Singapore. It focuses on the first eighteen months of the Wilson premiership (October 1964–March 1966) when Labour's thinking on the future of Britain's defence role east of Suez was still fluid and had not yet crystallised into a firm decision to withdraw from “east of Suez.” In doing so, the article considers whether both Menzies and Holt did all they could to encourage London to remain politically and militarily engaged in Southeast Asia. In addressing this question, this study provides an interesting insight into the conduct of post-war Australian foreign policy and the management of Australia's relations with its major allies, the United States and Britain. 相似文献
3.
David Tothill 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):143-171
This article deals with an aspect of white South Africa’s efforts to promote itself as its international situation started deteriorating in the 1950s. The instrument on this occasion was an articulate 76-year-old English-born immigrant who had done well in South African politics, was grateful for the opportunities the country had given him, and ostensibly wanted to give something back. The article also provides a practical example of longtime Australian Prime Minister Robert Menzies’s affection for white South Africans and their country despite the bad odor in which the latter’s government was held by much of the Australian media and public even though Australia was itself a racist society at the time. 相似文献
4.
Christophe Jaffrelot 《India Review》2013,12(2):35-68
Indian nationalist leaders developed a strong interest in Asia right from the early nineteenth century. Jawarharlal Nehru articulated an Asianist ideology based on the cultural affinities between India and China and the geopolitical interest in Greater India. This approach, which culminated in the Bandung summit, was put into parenthesis after the 1962 war. The Cold War, during which India and South East Asia were in different camps, prompted differing paths towards in emulating the economic progress of Japan, Taiwan and South Korea, and different approaches towards the development of the ASEAN. India's Asianist policy met an uneven fate but, by and large, there has been a significant rapprochement between India and East Asia. This move materialized in the investments of several Asian countries – including South Korea – in India and the entry of India in the ARF. Yet the symbiosis between India and Southeast Asia remains hindered by the rather nationalistic view of the latter region that the Hindutva movement is still propagating: like in the colonial period, Asianism remains part of an instrumentalist strategy. 相似文献
5.
Rod Lyon 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2003,16(3):447-462
Australian foreign and security policy confronts a series of difficult challenges in coping with the emergence of an Islamic extremist threat in Southeast Asia. Australian policy makers are being drawn into unfamiliar linkages with moderate Islam, and into closer cooperation with Indonesia, the most populous Islamic nation in the world, in an attempt to offset Islamic extremists. Further, they must achieve those objectives at a time when important interests are at stake beyond Southeast Asia, when bipartisan agreement about the direction of foreign policy is waning, and when divisions over the appropriate trajectory of Australian security policy are intense. A delicacy almost unprecedented in Australian foreign policy will be required. 相似文献
6.
2005年3月30日,中国亚非发展交流协会在北京国际饭店国际厅举行纪念亚非会议50周年座谈会.部分亚非国家使节、资深外交官,国内知名学者和16位我国前驻亚非国家大使应邀出席. 相似文献
7.
东北亚经济一体化与区域政策性银行的作用 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
在东北亚建立区域政策性银行正在从构想变为现实。随着东北亚经济论坛第十七届年会在天津滨海新区闭幕,大会发表了《天津滨海宣言》,尽快组建东北亚银行成为与会各国代表的共识。东北亚区域国家经济上虽具有互补性,但由于面临利益均衡和制度层面的问题,短期内建立机制性的经济一体化组织难度较大,而东北亚区域政策性银行则对推动机制性经贸合作安排形成和化解区域金融危机具有不容忽视的作用。 相似文献
8.
Pan Guang 《Asia Europe Journal》2005,3(4):501-506
The Astana summit meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) achieved remarkable results, demonstrating that this
four-year-old young organization has embarked on a new course of pragmatic development. This multilateral organization is
now showing a more active posture in safeguarding security and promoting economic development in the region, caring about
the situation in areas around Central Asia like Middle East and South Asia, and participating in world affairs. 相似文献
9.
东帝汶尽管是东南亚地区一个刚刚取得独立的小国,但它在地缘政治中的重要性却不可小视,在东帝汶未独立前它就开始成为影响印尼-澳大利亚关系的一个重要变量。在东帝汶独立过程中,从各自的国家利益和地缘目标出发,印尼和澳大利亚进行了一番角逐。东帝汶独立后,它仍是澳、印尼这两个文明形态迥异的地区大国关注的对象。 相似文献
10.
在平等对待他者中构筑东亚共同体的认同基础 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
建构东亚共同体遭遇意识形态的阻碍,其中一个深层命题是如何在认识和对待他者中寻找自我认同的基础。从历史文化的语境分析,东亚传统的"天下秩序"以及"汉字文化圈"提供了建构自我与他者的基本范式,它们基于"主奴观念"之上,维系了东亚区域的利益和权力结构。在现代转型过程中,国家意识与民族主义的兴起在推动东亚崛起的同时也带来文化认同的危机,表现之一是自我建构中的摇摆不定。同时,文化深处的"主奴观念"以及与之相应的社会结构依然根深蒂固,导致东亚难以形成较大的认同交集,这是建构东亚共同体的深层障碍。在平等对待他者中重构自我,在"和而不同"、"求同存异"的理念下扩大文化认同的交集,既是东亚各国社会文化转型的内在需求,也是建构"东亚共同体"理想模式的外在条件。 相似文献
11.
Andrew Tan 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):112-138
Following the seminal events of 11 September 2001, and especially since 12 October 2002, southeast Asia has come into focus as the so-called ‘second front’ in the war against international terrorism. However, the threat of terrorism to southeast Asia emanating from radical Islam predated these events. An emerging security concern in recent years has been the rise of extreme Islamic groups. In addition, there exist Islamic separatist/guerilla groups within the region which envision separate Islamic states, and which have been actively engaged in long-running insurgencies against the central governments in the region. In evaluating the nature of the threat emanating from militant Islamic terrorism, there is a need for better typologies to explain the complexity of home-grown Muslim militant groups, and the emergence of transnational linkages both among them and with international Islamic terrorism. These complexities, coupled with the presence of fundamental grievances which long predated 11 September 2001, point to the necessity for a more broad-based strategy that takes into account the presence of fundamental grievances. But the varied nature of these grievances, and the difficulties that have been encountered in meeting the challenges posed by militant Islam, mean that the war against terrorism will be long drawn-out. Containment, not victory, will be the most realistic outcome. 相似文献
12.
Adam P. Liff 《安全研究》2016,25(3):420-459
Post-Cold War, balancing theory has fallen on “hard times.” A question of crucial importance for 21st-century peace and stability concerns how Asia–Pacific secondary states are responding militarily to China's rise. China's rapid growth, military modernization, and controversial policies vis-à-vis contested space and territories on its periphery make it a prime candidate for counterbalancing behavior. Yet several recent studies claim that secondary states are accommodating, even bandwagoning with, Beijing. This study challenges these claims, attributing them largely to problematic research designs not uncommon in the wider balancing literature. It proposes a methodological corrective, arguing for widespread employment of an alternative analytical framework relying on clearer definitions and explicitly delineated sets of 21st-century-relevant metrics reflecting the myriad ways contemporary militaries enhance their capabilities in response to perceived threats. Applied systematically to original analysis of the contemporary Asia–Pacific, this framework uncovers what existing studies miss—evidence of practically significant and accelerating balancing against China. 相似文献
13.
14.
Ramon Pacheco Pardo 《Asia Europe Journal》2012,9(2-4):77-90
The global financial crisis of the late 2000s has affected the EU and East Asia differently. The EU has seen its economic, political and social structures undermined by the problems derived from the global crisis and subsequent eurozone sovereign debt crisis. In contrast, East Asia has gone through the global crisis relatively unscathed and has seen its standing at the global level reinforced. As a result, there has been a reconfiguration of leadership, decision-making and governance structures in both regions. In the case of the EU, Germany has emerged as the clear leader of European efforts to solve regional economic problems. Meanwhile, intergovernmentalism has replaced supranationalism as the decision-making and even implementation procedure of choice. Differently, there is no single leader in East Asia. China has become one of the most important powers at the global level, but at the regional level, different countries have shaped East Asia’s response to the crisis. Concurrently, there has been some move towards increasing integration, even though intergovernmentalism still defines governance structures in the region. Thus, the global financial crisis of the late 2000s has helped to shape new leadership, decision-making and governance structures in both regions. 相似文献
15.
朝鲜半岛形势变化与丹东的战略抉择 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
自 2 0 0 0年 6月朝韩首脑会晤以来 ,朝鲜半岛形势发生了令世人瞩目的变化。尽管还存在着种种变数和外部制约因素 ,但朝韩之间通过政治对话和经济交流 ,逐步由对立走向合作的趋势已不可逆转。丹东是连接朝鲜半岛与欧亚大陆的主要通商口岸 ,是中朝经贸合作的前沿窗口。面对变化 ,应积极调整思路 ,抓住机遇 ,准确定位 ,充分发挥区位优势 ,推动地区产业升级和城市功能完善 ,向东北亚国际性城市迈进。 相似文献
16.
冷战时期,随着外交和经济交往的日益增多,澳大利亚对东南亚的认识发生了重要的变化,东南亚在其外交和安全政策中的地位不断上升,重要性不断显现。在这种背景下,澳大利亚通过几次政策调整,最终与东南亚国家建立了一种良性互动的双边安全关系,从根本上改变了以欧洲为中心的传统政策,亚太成为澳大利亚外交和安全的新中心。 相似文献
17.
Evi Fitriani 《Asia Europe Journal》2011,9(1):43-56
The inauguration of the Asia–Europe Meeting (ASEM) in Bangkok in March 1996 has created enthusiasm and hopes for closer inter-regional
relations between Asia and Europe. This article observes how behaviors of European countries representatives in the ASEM process
have significantly shaped the perceptions of Asian officials and people about the EU and European intentions to develop mutually
beneficial relations with Asia. It employs a constructivist framework in which the ASEM process is treated as a dynamic social
setting for not only Asia–Europe inter-regional interactions but also intra-Asia socialization. Methodologically, it is a
qualitative research with an inductive process and interpretive method. The research uses qualitative data, gathered from
various sources and 82 in-depth interviews with diplomats, scholars, journalists, business peoples and civil society representatives
in five Asian countries. This study finds that some behaviors of EU participants at ASEM or ASEF interregional forums are
counterproductive for EU efforts to develop robust relations with Asian countries. The polarization between Asian and European
groups in the ASEM or ASEF meetings, caused by political issues and colonial memory, contributed to the difficulties in trust-building
between Asian and European participants. In addition, by their frequent absence from ASEM Summits, EU leaders squandered rare
opportunities for a ‘meeting of minds and hearts’ with their Asian counterparts. This process seems to be a precondition for
Asians to develop tangible cooperation. 相似文献
18.
19.
俄远东与中、日、韩三国经贸合作前景分析 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
俄远东地区经济的发展对全俄经济回升起着至关重要的作用,然而目前俄远东地区的经济发展落后,经济结构有待转型,人口流失,存在很多问题。并且远东与俄欧洲部分相距遥远,在很多问题上俄心有余而力不足。但如果从另一个角度思考,远东的优势是与东北亚地区国家毗邻。东北亚地区是近年来世界上经济发展最具活力的地区之一,加强与东北亚国家,特别是与中国、日本、韩国的合作,有利于远东经济的飞速发展,俄政府也逐渐意识到这一问题,积极促进远东与东北亚国家的经贸合作。 相似文献
20.
当前东亚海上安全环境复杂多变,东亚海上安全局势受各种域内外因素影响不断加剧,形成海上安全困局的主要症结在于东亚各国之间缺乏信任基础。为了有效化解东亚地区海上矛盾争端,必须构建东亚海上战略互信机制,求取东亚各方之间海上利益的最大公约数,从而达成消除隔阂、降低风险、和谐共赢的海上安全局面。 相似文献