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Bindu Madhok 《Development in Practice》2015,25(1):113-123
This article explores a praxis-based moral approach to the study of development and women. Drawing upon an illustrative case-study of Ankur Kala – a non-governmental organisation devoted to the development of destitute women in Kolkata, India – the article shows how studying actual development practices on the ground generates valuable insights without which our ethical understanding of women's development globally would be incomplete. 相似文献
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Dilys M. Hill 《Democratization》2013,20(4):185-194
The New Challenge of Direct Democracy by Ian Budge. London: Polity Press, 1996. Pp.viii + 203. £45 (hardback); £12.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 7456 1231 8 and 1765 4 QUANGOs and Local Government: A Changing World edited by Howard Davis. London and Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 1996. Pp.104. £25 (hardback). ISBN 0 7146 4735 7 Extraordinary Politics: How Protest and Dissent are Changing American Democracy by Charles C. Euchner. Boulder, CO: Westview press, 1996. Pp.xiv + 290. £51.50 (hardback); £14.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 8133 2905 1 and 2906 X. Rethinking Local Democracy edited by Desmond King and Gerry Stoker. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996. Pp.x + 254. £40 (hardback); £12.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 333 63852 2 and 63853 0 Local Democracy and Local Government edited by Lawrence Pratchett and David Wilson. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996. Pp.xii + 266. £37.50 (hardback); £11.99 (paperback). ISBN 0 333 66432 9 and 66433 7 Social Democracy in a Post‐Communist Europe edited by Michael Waller, Bruno Coppieters and Kris Deschouwer. London: Frank Cass, 1994. Pp.xii + 203. £30 (hardback); £15 (paperback). ISBN 0 7146 4522 2 and 4092 1 相似文献
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Anwara Begum 《Development in Practice》2015,25(5):754-768
This article examines the socio-economic and cultural milieu of girls in Bangladesh and how it erodes the benefits of education. Laws and rules, even basic human rights, are unknown to many women. Economically active women too are affected by cultural norms and social taboos which reinforce their helplessness. Gender discrimination, especially for women, and inequity, physical, and verbal abuse persist. Women's empowerment is resisted by some women, and this poses a barrier to girls’ education, as evident from a rights perspective. Women's subordination to men is conditioned by a whole range of traditional practices embedded in the family and kin-group. Women's scope of work is mostly limited to domestic chores and care: education investment, borne out of the instrumentalist approach, is rendered ineffective as it is quite dependent upon socio-economic status and concomitant social structure. Education investment must uphold a capabilities approach to achieve sustained outcomes in education. 相似文献
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Sara Cobb 《Negotiation Journal》1991,7(1):87-102
Book reviews in this article:
John Haynes and Christine Haynes , Mediating Divorce: Casebook of Strategies for Successful Family Negotiations .
Kenneth Kressel and Dean Pruitt , Mediation Research; The Process and Effectiveness of Third Party Intervention .
Nancy Rogers and Craig McEwen , Mediation: Law, Policy, Practice . 相似文献
John Haynes and Christine Haynes , Mediating Divorce: Casebook of Strategies for Successful Family Negotiations .
Kenneth Kressel and Dean Pruitt , Mediation Research; The Process and Effectiveness of Third Party Intervention .
Nancy Rogers and Craig McEwen , Mediation: Law, Policy, Practice . 相似文献
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Kieran Ford 《冲突、安全与发展》2017,17(2):117-139
This article presents a critical discourse analysis of the discourse surrounding education, international development and security in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, North-West Pakistan. The article notes the dissonance between a discourse emphasising global security and the experienced insecurity faced by schools and students in North-West Pakistan, under attack from the Pakistani Taliban (the most notable attack being the shooting of Malala Yousafzai in 2012). This analysis examines the impact of securitisation on the discursive production of the political realm, exploring whether securitisation engenders security or insecurity. Three key findings emerge. First, the purpose of securitised education becomes fixed on ‘mindset transformation’ from an extremist mindset to an educated mindset. Second, students are transformed into soldiers fighting against extremism as education becomes weaponised. Third, the discourse blurs the distinction between the uneducated and extremist, and the figure of the ‘threatening, uneducated Other’ emerges. The discursive production of such oppositional subjectivities throws into question whether the international community’s intervention in education in North-West Pakistan, in order to improve security and fight extremism, is not in fact producing greater insecurity. 相似文献
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Ikumen is a buzzword that describes fathers who are actively involved in childrearing. This article focuses on the process in which the term ikumen and its meaning are diffused and investigates how soon-to-be fathers, themselves potential ikumen, view the ikumen discourse. Our endeavor is to grasp the transformation of father roles and the wider family in contemporary Japan through the public and individual engagement with the term ikumen. In this article, we combine macro and micro approaches to analyze ikumen as a discourse circulating in Japanese society and study the way in which the subjects of the discourse – soon-to-be fathers – view the ikumen discourse and interact with it. Utilizing an analysis of newspaper articles, we inquire into the process in which the concept ikumen became popular in Japan and the images that are affiliated with it. Through interviews, we then investigate how soon-to-be fathers as potential ikumen themselves perceive the term. Our results show the way in which an ikumen discourse emerged in Japan in opposition to the term kazoku sabisu, which since the 1970s describes the activities fathers engage in for the satisfaction of their families and fulfillment of social expectations. However, while the term is very popular in the media, the young families we interviewed see ikumen more skeptically. They both resist the popular discourse and adapt it into their construction of paternal identities through a differentiation between a strong versus a weak ikumen image. 相似文献
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AbstractThis article explores the opportunities and conundrums of understanding violence at critical junctures following ruptures in political orders through the prism of political settlements. While there is an emerging body of scholarship on political settlements, we specifically examine its relationship to violence, which we argue has been under-theorised. Through comparative country case studies (Bangladesh, Egypt, Kenya, Sierra Leone), we examine in a historicised manner how these types of settlements interact with various forms of violence at various scales. The article reconceptualises political settlements in relation to three forms of violence, intrinsic, instrumental and resultant, and shows how multi-scale dynamics and formal/informal interactions shape the violent nature of political settlements in different contexts. 相似文献
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Ivica Petrikova 《冲突、安全与发展》2017,17(6):493-516
This article assesses how the ‘security-development nexus’ has impacted multilateral aid to conflict-affected states; an area until now understudied. Using a mixed methods approach, we examine both the policy discourse and aid commitments of the major multilateral donors: the European Commission, the World Bank and the UNDP. We investigate the extent to which these donors fund the sectors identified within the policy discourse as crucial to ensuring peace and stability – democratisation and peace, conflict, and security activities – and examine the impact of ‘Western’ security concerns on multilateral aid in conflict-affected states. Our new data indicate that in contrast to policy discourse, post-conflict states receive no more multilateral funding for democracy–building than states which have not suffered from conflict and furthermore, that in the context of the security-development nexus, multilateral aid to conflict-affected states is influenced by the key transnational security concerns of Western states. These results point to a potentially dangerous gap between policy and actual aid commitments, ignore the long-term nature of development and weaken the impartiality of multilateral aid. 相似文献
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Fatima Marium Murtaza Ghulam Ali Afridi Shahid Ahmed Hashmi Arshi Saleem 《Asia Europe Journal》2020,18(4):445-461
Asia Europe Journal - This article studies the potential paradigm shift in Europe linking refugees’ influx with the security phenomenon through the works of intellectuals belonging to... 相似文献
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《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2013,6(2):163-180
Labelling the ‘other’ is one of the most relevant aspects in an armed conflict context. Summarising what the opponent is in one single expression is a strong rhetorical tool in any belligerent discourse. The use of the ‘terrorist’ label assumes a particularly powerful role in such a construction. Employing Ole Wæver's layered discursive structure, this article aims to study the discursive practices and political consequences associated with the use of such labels. The political implications of using the ‘terrorist’ label in regards to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in Turkish politics will be analysed as an illustrative case study. The period under analysis extends from April 2007 to January 2008, corresponding to the escalation of a security discourse that led to the (brief) Turkish military incursion in northern Iraq in the winter of 2007–2008. The political exposure and intense usage of the ‘terrorist’ label in this period makes it particularly ripe for understanding the political discursive context that shapes Turkey's policies towards this protracted conflict. The focus on this period also sheds light on the political reasons underlying the intractability of this conflict. 相似文献
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Philip Schlesinger 《政治交往》2013,30(4):313-318
Abstract Underlying the moves and countermoves of the current communal conflict in South Africa is a struggle to control the meanings of the key terms of discourse—race, nation, apartheid and socialism—by which the conflict is characterized within and outside the country. Although no definition, therefore, of any of these terms can escape politicization, there is a case, historically and with a view to a negotiated settlement, for having apartheid, the most emotion‐laden of these terms, limited to post‐1948 doctrine and practice. The foundation for a negotiated settlement unaccompanied by overt civil war must be rather detailed agreement, tacit or explicit, on what the end of apartheid means. But if there is to be such agreement, it must be the work of a broad coalition from all of the race/nations acting probably against the desires of two major groups: defenders of the status quo and proponents of revolutionary socialism. 相似文献