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郭增麟 《当代世界社会主义问题》2002,(1)
欧盟东扩和中东欧国家入盟,无疑是双赢的大事.但欧盟推行的是争取加限制的政策,侧重于使中东欧国家成为其产品倾销地,而不是使其经济迅速发展起来成为其竞争对手.欧盟在欢迎的同时,提出了苛刻的入盟条件. 相似文献
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腐败与东欧共产党的衰败 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
曹桂乾 《当代世界与社会主义》2001,(2):34-37
东欧各国党自身存在的问题是导致东欧剧变的多种因素中的一个重要方面.各种腐败现象的滋生和蔓延腐蚀了党的肌体,削弱了党与群众的联系,影响了党的纯洁性、先进性、感召力和战斗力. 相似文献
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The Author thanks Michael Hughey for editorial suggestions, comments, and revisions. 相似文献
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Simon Lightfoot 《欧亚研究》2010,62(2):329-350
This article examines the EU's role in the emergence of international development policy in the 10 member states from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Development policy provides useful insights into policy making as it is a key way that states operationalise their foreign policy. Thus, development policy gives us insights into the foreign policy priorities of the new member states. This article reviews the emergence and elaboration of policy relating to international development in the new member states and explores how far we have witnessed the Europeanisation of development cooperation in CEE states. 相似文献
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David M. Crowe 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(1):81-94
This article analyses how migration has affected the Roma in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) since they entered both regions in the Middle Ages. It explores the importance of migration in the culture and history of the Roma and looks at how forced migration has harmed the Roma and helped build some of the negative stereotypes and prejudices that have haunted them until today. 相似文献
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Jan Drahokoupil 《欧亚研究》2008,60(2):197-225
A variety of foreign-led economies emerged in Central and Eastern Europe in the late 1990s. State economic strategies in the Visegrad Four region (V4) of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and Poland have converged towards a distinct model of competition states. This article investigates the politics of investment attraction and promotion of particular investors within the states and regions in Central and Eastern Europe. It analyses coalitions of social actors which form in the process of bidding for investors and promoting them in the regions. These coalitions, the investment-promotion machines, can be understood as power blocs underpinning the competition state at the regional level. The analysis draws primarily on case studies of attraction and promotion of foreign direct investment (FDI) in the Czech Republic and Slovakia. 相似文献
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Gwendolyn Sasse 《欧亚研究》2008,60(2):295-316
The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) is modelled on the institutional and procedural experience of the EU's eastward enlargement, although it explicitly excludes a membership perspective. It thus aims to define an alternative incentive for domestic reform in neighbouring countries, referred to as ‘a stake in the internal market’. This article suggests that the ENP amounts to a form of ‘conditionality-lite’ for non-candidate countries. Within the ENP the key defining elements of conditionality—clear incentive and enforcement structures—are vague for both the EU and its neighbouring countries. Thus, the ENP is conceptually and empirically weak when measured against a simple, rationalist conditionality model. In line with the alternative understanding of conditionality as a process rather than a clear-cut variable, the main function of the ENP is twofold: it provides an external reference point which domestic political actors in the ENP countries can choose to utilise when it fits their agenda (both pro-EU or anti-EU); and a loose framework for socialisation. This process of socialisation involves both the EU and the ENP countries. Through an analysis of the ENP process in Ukraine and Moldova it concludes that while the ENP tries to prevent a repeat of the EU's ‘rhetorical entrapment’ in further eastward enlargement, it paradoxically paves the way for a ‘procedural entrapment’ in ENP countries that harbour membership aspirations and provides a momentum, though not a guarantee, for conflict resolution. 相似文献