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1.
ABSTRACT

This research note offers first-hand accounts of the plight of “non-indigenes” who became victims of Boko Haram terrorism in the North, and their resettlement back in their “homeland” in Orlu (Imo State). As “strangers” in various towns of the North, they were victimized by Boko Haram and had to develop various strategies to survive. Many of them, however, returned to their “homeland” only to become victims of new forms of social exclusion, as “strangers in their own land.”  相似文献   

2.
ABSTRACT

Emerging accidentally from an array of political and legal contestations is a fourth-tier government unit in Lagos state – Local Council Development Areas (LCDAs). The LCDAs have survived almost two decades of existence without the ’traditional’ monthly federal allocation, which has been the mainstay of the existing 774 LGAs in Nigeria. This study attempts an explanation of this apparent survival by examining the institutional structure of the LCDAs vis-à-vis their service delivery performance. Different from earlier studies that have examined service delivery using final outcomes, the study examines accessibility as an intermediate output; dimensioned as availability, adequacy and affordability. Using a mixed-methods research design, the study shows that Lagos LCDAs’ inclusive operational structure is significantly improving access to primary health care and education services. Thus, the study finds evidence within the operational structure of Lagos LCDAs for Acemoglu and Robinson’s theory of inclusive and extractive institutions.  相似文献   

3.
While in the older literature, low levels of political trust were routinely interpreted as a lack of support for democracy, more recently authors have claimed that the value pattern of critical citizens is a hallmark for a mature and stable democratic system. In this paper we assess the empirical validity of this claim, by relying on the relative deprivation literature highlighting the relation between expectation and frustration. The 2012 wave of the European Social Survey included an extensive battery measuring democratic ideals, and using latent class analysis we identify a group with high ideals on how a democracy should function. Multilevel regression analysis shows that strong democratic ideals are associated with lower levels of political trust, and most strongly so in countries with low quality of government. We close with observations on how rising democratic ideals could be a cause for the occurrence of a new group of ‘critical citizens’.  相似文献   

4.
This study analyzes the revolution of 1989 in the Baltic State of Latvia and considers its effects on democracy since the reestablishment of independence in 1991. Scholarly and popular accounts tend to depict the 1989 movement as an ethno-nationalist one. While recognizing the importance of ethnicity and cultural nationalism, this article suggests that transnationalism was an equally important force. An analysis of the information bulletin of the Popular Front of Latvia, Awakening [Atmoda] reveals that independence activists deliberately sought to place their movement in a global and transnational framework. The article concludes with a discussion of the fate of this transnational vision after 1991. In the immediate post-independence period, strict citizenship and language legislation indicated a retreat from transnational ideals. However, more recent reforms suggest that this retreat was not permanent and that the discussions of 1989 continue to shape the building of democracy in Latvia. Evidence of the continued existence of transnationalism can be found in government legislation, participation in institutional networks such as the European Union, and individual decisions to apply for citizenship.  相似文献   

5.
Recent comparative politics scholarship on regime change has not taken state capacity seriously. Prominent works on the relationship between democracy and economic inequality center on the expectation by economic elites that democratization will lead to economic redistribution. But state capacity is necessary for redistribution, and where extractive capacity is lacking, rational economic elites should not fear that suffrage expansion would lead to effective redistribution, nor should the masses expect to gain economically from democratization. State capacity thus acts as a scope condition for the effect of inequality on regime outcomes. This prediction is confirmed through replication and extension of the analysis in Boix (2003), with the addition of the presence of a regularly implemented national census as a proxy for state capacity. In strong states, the effect of inequality on regime change is confirmed. But where the state is weak, inequality is shown to have no effect on regime outcomes. Thus, including state capacity in theories of regime change calls into question general claims about the “economic origins” of dictatorship and democracy.  相似文献   

6.
Social sustainability, in theory, should result in responsiveness to change, a durable sense of community trust and interdependent institutional structures. However, recent studies indicate that current sustainability efforts of regional local government are not yielding anticipated outcomes. Drawing on two social theories of Henri Lefebvre, this paper offers an empirical analysis of the ability of the government–governance nexus to deliver on social sustainability promises in Moranbah in regional Australia. Study findings revealed that the Moranbah government–governance nexus suffers from adversarial relationships between key actors that result in a distrust of politics and power, the absence of a defined governance system, community alienation, and State Government dominance and intervention. These experiences of the government–governance nexus have rendered social sustainability a distant hope for Moranbah’s residents. This paper suggests a reform in sustainability policies to improve the current situation in the case region, and theoretical propositions for future research.  相似文献   

7.
Intra-EU labor mobility is often characterized as a major contributor to better functioning European labor markets. Does the evidence of recent cross-border labor mobility support this positive expectation? Does the EU live up to its potential of being a role model by showing that managing free movement of labor in turbulent times is possible? We will show that, in spite of its potential, the challenges facing free movement of labour are tremendous. We address four important aspects: enlargement; transitional measures and their consequences; the crisis and its effects; and the potential offered by free movement for better labor allocation.  相似文献   

8.
It is fashionable for sociologists and political economists these days to malign the ‘green revolution’ technology on the grounds of its effects upon the agricultural income distribution, which are claimed to affect small farmers and agricultural labourers adversely. No doubt the income effects of a technological change should be a valid concern for a society inflicted with mass poverty and unemployment, yet to condemn an improvement in production technology alone seems misplaced. Inequality in income distribution depends not only on the nature of the technology, on its degree of scale‐neutrality or labour intensity, but often arises from resource allocations and fiscal policies. In India green revolution technology is unfortunately being condemned out of all proportion. The policy measures that emanate out of this thinking are throttling the development of the agricultural sector. This article is an attempt to examine the recent changes in employment and agricultural labourers and farmers in the Punjab State, which is the area most favourably affected by the green revolution technology in India.  相似文献   

9.
This article assesses the state of development studies in the wake of the 'impasse' that the field reached in the 1980s and suggests that the way forward is to 'deterritorialise' the concept of development. The first part critically assesses recent new perspectives and middle-range theories and focuses in particular on neoliberal and institutional approaches as hegemonic discourses. The myriad of new approaches offers limited and competing explanations for social change in the current epoch. The second part argues that globalisation, by modifying the reference points of macrosocial analysis, is responsible for development studies' paradigmatic quagmire. A sociology of national development is no longer tenable. The way out of the 'impasse' is to break with nation-state centred analysis by reconsidering the relationship between space and development and by reconceiving development based not on territory but on transnational social groups. Drawing on critical geographies and recent political economy theories of flexible accumulation and globalisation, it suggests that transnationalised labour markets exhibit an increasing heterogeneity across borders and that differentiated participation in these transnational labour markets in each locale comes to determine social development. The article emphasises the political nature of development theory and calls for a critical globalisation studies.  相似文献   

10.
This article addresses the specific character of interpersonal violence in Uruguay during the second half of the twentieth century (1945–1970). This study tries to establish the relation between self-defense and honor as expressed by Uruguayan law and accepted social codes. Deriving from this relation, the analysis identifies the emergence of a double system for legitimizing the use of violence: the honor disputes stipulated by the law and the observance of accepted and shared sociocultural codes. Walter Benjamin and Max Weber believed that the State had to establish the monopoly on violence as a way of guaranteeing its very existence. Nevertheless, it seems from this analysis that contrary to this assumption, it was from the law itself and the spaces it left open for subjective interpretation that private violence was legitimized. Moreover, this study proposes an approach that contradicts existing research which uncritically assumes the idealized pacific character of Uruguayan society.  相似文献   

11.
This article seeks to explain the nature of the office of Secretary of State in the United Kingdom, and how these arrangements have come about. It traces the office from its mediaeval origins, and finds the explanation partly in the development of Tudor government, and partly in the politics of the eighteenth century. It then traces the modem development of this doctrine and some of the ramifications to which it has given rise. Fourteen out of the twenty-two members of the British Cabinet hold the same office. Yet simultaneously they are described by fourteen different titles. The office that they share is that of 'Secretary of State': their various titles are the 'Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs', the 'Secretary of State for the Home Department' and so on. The purpose of this article is to explain these curious arrangements, which rival in complexity the Athanasian doctrine of the Trinity, and to show how they have come about.  相似文献   

12.
As Al Qaeda and the Islamic State vie for ascendancy in the jihad movement, policymakers grapple with distinguishing the threat posed by these groups. Proceeding from the terrorists’ view of media as a critical arena of jihad, this study applies content analysis to Al Qaeda- and Islamic State-produced magazines in order to empirically differentiate the two groups through the strategies publicized therein. Findings reveal that Al Qaeda consistently employs attrition to compel changes in the West's policy and behavior, while the Islamic State has shifted from intimidating populations to outbidding competing groups to solidify its claim to the Caliphate.  相似文献   

13.
It is now clear that the global shift toward democracy in recent decades has resulted in a highly uneven democratic landscape in which the quality and performance of democracies around the world vary greatly. In an era characterized by increasingly open borders to goods, services, information, and, at times, labor, we argue that poorly performing, uneven democracies have become an important, yet underexplored, component in one’s emigration calculus. We test this argument through analysis of survey data across 22 Latin American countries and find strong and consistent evidence that both the quality of a democratic system and its ability to fulfill basic governance responsibilities influence the degree to which an individual considers emigration as a viable life strategy. These findings in turn have implications for the subsequent impact emigration may have on the democratic development of high migration communities.  相似文献   

14.
Empirical analysis of civil wars wherein rebels receive support from outside states or actors confirms the expectation that such external support is correlated with conflicts that, on average, are longer than civil wars without external support. When this assistance is lost, the empirical results are at odds with the expectation that these wars should end more rapidly. Instead, wars in which there is a break in external support are more likely to continue into the next calendar year than even those wars with continued external support. This counterintuitive finding suggests a re-evaluation of theoretical foundations of external support to rebel groups.  相似文献   

15.
Many have challenged the use of income per capita as the primary proxy for measuring development since Seers’s seminal works. This article continues this tradition with a more recent twist. We use cluster analysis to build a multidimensional taxonomy of developing countries using a set of indicators covering four conceptual frames on ‘development’. The value-added of the article is not to suggest that our classification is the end in itself, but – more modestly – to demonstrate that more work on taxonomies is required in light of the weakness of classifications based solely on income and the changing distribution of global poverty.  相似文献   

16.
This article analyses how rituals and ceremonies were deployed in the post-tsunami rehabilitation process in Sri Lanka to ‘incorporate’ development projects into the habitus and social reality of local communities. It argues that even though the aid delivery process is represented as a gift, in reality it is more concerned with strengthening the social capital of the local and foreign donors. Through this process there is an expectation and an implicit demand for acquiescence from the beneficiaries, which leaves them with a social debt. This, in turn, compels them to participate in the game of development rituals and ceremonies, in order to express their (ambivalent) gratitude and thankfulness. Through two case studies, we explore how the good intentions of donors to provide aid and alleviate suffering and the acceptance of this aid by the local communities, results in an asymmetric relationship where both become accomplices of Bourdieuian notions of subtle and gentle violence.  相似文献   

17.
Latin America's recent integrationist proposals have been presented as part of a new commitment to increasing living standards and international competitiveness. However, the frustrating results of integration in the past three decades should caution us against placing excessive emphasis on the technical aspects of trade. The author argues that important lessons can be learned from previous attempts to promote integration in this region while neglecting the political dimensions of integration. Inadequate organizational forms, weak institutional arrangements ruled by technocratic elites, may be more helpful as ceremonial devices in the legitimation of those elites than in advancing the substance of the integration project. Verónica Montecinos is assistant professor of sociology at The Pennsylvania State University, McKeesport Campus. She has researched the consequences of economic reforms on women as well as the growing involvement of professional economists in government and party politics. Her book on the economic bureaucracy in Chile is forthcoming.  相似文献   

18.
This article expands upon the concepts of the local integrity system (LIS) and integrity management system through a qualitative analysis of the integrity frameworks for local government in Great Britain. With an emphasis on the recent English experience, but drawing upon the comparative systems in Wales and Scotland, the article demonstrates some ways in which integrity has been developed, led, monitored, and enforced, and discusses the perceptions of leading stakeholders in relation to this. It will argue, in addition, that recent changes brought by the Localism Act 2011, has potentially weakened the English LIS.  相似文献   

19.
A prevailing economic crisis in the State of New York contributed to an erosion of previous institutional patterns, instigating a problem and political process of finding a mechanism wherein economic order could be produced. One strategic response to this economic crisis which is the focal point of this paper is the development and diffusion of financial reporting practices which guide the manner with which this state reports to its important constituencies including the citizenry, the media, and the capital markets. The main findings of this paper reflect the manner in which the relative power of organized interests and actors are mobilized through the use of rules such as financial reporting practices that establish meaning in public administration.  相似文献   

20.
Since 9/11, the American policy towards Africa has been strongly influenced by national security interests and in particular by the fight against international terrorism and Islamic radicalisation. Traditionally, the American Africa policy has been the result of bureaucratic policymaking with the Pentagon and the State Department playing prominent roles. The paper argues that in the current century, evangelical Christian lobby groups have gained increasing influence on policymaking on Africa. Because policymaking has been influenced by a number of different actors, the American Africa policy may appear incoherent and ambiguous if judged narrowly on the expectation that it only aims to take care of US national security concerns and economic self-interests. The paper concludes that Africa was important to the United States during the presidencies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama because of the combination of strong security interests and strong domestic lobby groups that have pressured to place Africa on the US foreign policy agenda.  相似文献   

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