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Cet article propose une réflexion sur les possibilités et les modalités de représentation de "l'invisible" à l'écran. À partir de la sémiologie de l'image et des théories anthropologiques, il cerne les discours que dégagent des films africains sur un phénomène dont l'interprétation cinématographique oscille entre simplifications faciles au Burkina Faso et articulations plus nuancées au Cameroun. L'intérêt de l'étude ne réside pas seulement dans la détermination des limites de la "rationalité" cartésienne ou "scientifique" d'une pratique banale de la modernité. Elle révèle surtout les formes par lesquelles des films "montrent," "donnent à voir" l'invisible, offrant ainsi une autre manière d'approcher des dynamiques sociales qui permettent à des citoyens désabusés de prendre en charge leur destin dans un contexte où l'État, qu'on ne cherche plus à combattre, est absent.  相似文献   

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This article models trade policies in the presence of non‐tradeables, and investigates trade strategy interventions and outcomes where the price of non‐tradeables endogenously adjusts to trade interventions. Trade regime bias and neutrality issues are examined within a three‐sector, open economy model. The theoretical framework is operationalised using empirical evidence for Trinidad and Barbados. The robustness of partial equilibrium measures of protection for classifying trade strategies is challenged and evidence on alternative general equilibrium or ‘true’ measures of protection is reported. ‘True’ or revealed trade strategies are shown to differ from those apparently intended by policy‐makers.  相似文献   

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Pål Kolstø 《欧亚研究》2016,68(7):1245-1263
The word ‘Balkans’ often functions as a stigma. Several authors have discussed the bloodbath during the wars in the former Yugoslavia with references to an alleged Balkan culture. Towards the end of the 1990s the term ‘Balkans’ entered the official vocabulary of the European Union, now with the prefix ‘Western’. ‘The Western Balkans’ became a common denominator for non-member states in south eastern Europe. A survey in 2011 in the ‘Western Balkans’ showed that those who live there to a large extent share this view: membership in Western organisations like the EU determines whether a country is ‘European’ or ‘Balkan’.  相似文献   

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Fixers can thrive in any level of political, bureaucratic, or institutional development. Paradoxically the academic research of the phenomenon of fixers is in its infancy. There exists no accepted definition of fixers; the boundaries between fixers and lobbyists remain murky, in terms of comparative administration only limited knowledge about the forces that breed different types of fixers in different political settings is available; and no deductive theory was articulated that might determine when and how fixing might become dysfunctional and corruptive. In an attempt to better understand the phenomenon of fixers more theoretically; this study analyzes fixers in view of three theories of bureaucratic corruption, and in view of the emerging theory of alternative politics. Using Israel as a case in point, the study shows that within certain national and local branches of government fixers not only create a shadow copy of official institutions, but also foster institutional corruption.  相似文献   

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Terrorism: Threat, Reality, Response. By Robert Kupperman and Darrell Trent. (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press), 1979, 450 pgs., $14.95.  相似文献   

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Cuba, this iconic revolutionary island which has brought so much hope to the Third World and, at one point, worry for a nuclear World War III, is going through a process of change never seen since Fidel Castro led his revolutionary forces to triumph around New Year’s of 1959. Yet, 10 years into the change process, led by the younger Castro Raúl (now 85), nobody can really forecast where the country will end up in socio-economic and political terms. In this TWQ subsection, two economists and three political scientists – two Cubans and three European Cuba watchers – analyse the reforms and their possible outcome.  相似文献   

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This paper directs itself to the impact of American social science on the writings of Alva and Gunnar Myrdal on the role of education and social science in modern industrial democracy. After a brief sketch of the Myrdals' role in the development of Swedish welfare reforms and of their intellectual contacts in the United States during the 1930's, the paper outlines four theoretical dilemmas of modernity to the solution of which education and social research was seen to contribute: the relationships between facts and values, the individual and the collective, child rearing and social change, and theory and practice. The paper concludes by tracing the articulation of these themes in the Social Democratic Party school reform proposals of 1948.  相似文献   

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This article focuses on the relevent scholarly literature devoted to ethics and public policy. A literature search revealed an extensive body of research which lacked a coherent ordering. This article provides a model to understand a field of academic inquiry which has a rich tradition.  相似文献   

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Prior research has identified gender as a significant predictor of crime fear. Specifically, women are typically more fearful of crime than men, despite being relatively less likely to be victimized. The current study examines different ways men and women may think about crime and victimization within their neighborhoods, using contemporary social-psychological models of victimization worry. Data were collected from a sample of community residents (N = 713) living on the Gold Coast of Queensland, Australia. Results suggest that men’s and women’s fear of crime and perceptions of victimization threat are dependent on crime type and can be represented by a number of relationships among different social-psychological dimensions of victimization worry. The study concludes with practical implications for researchers seeking to examine the complex associations between gender and fear of crime.  相似文献   

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This article looks at the European Communities’ efforts against terrorism in the 1970s. It argues that in spite of the high ambitions to improve European legal integration, the attempts to develop an antiterrorism agreement were quite obviously a failure. Although the Dublin Agreement was adopted in 1979 after cumbersome and lengthy negotiations, it fell short of showing the member states’ unity and resolve to fight terrorism, and it never entered into force. The tedious negotiations drained the member states’ energy and willingness to such an extent that no other steps toward judicial integration or antiterrorism treaties were taken.  相似文献   

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