Historical change and the administrative state: An analysis of the theoretical foundations of public administration

This article offers an explanation for the theoretical underdevelopment of Public Administration. It argues that Public Administration studies the relations among elements of the administrative state and between the administrative state and its environment dissociated from time. The ahistorical orientation of the discipline has drastically reduced its capacity for theory building.     

The phenomenology of vigilantism in contemporary America: An interpretation

Vigilante violence is studied, defined, and delineated from a phenomenological stance. An interpretation of American vigilantism is developed: violence is intended by the perpetrators to maintain and defend, rather than change, the established sociopolitical order. Four major types of vigilantism are discussed: (1) private, spontaneous vigilantism; 2) private, organized vigilantism; (3) official, spontaneous vigilantism; and (4) official, organized vigilantism. The main objective of vigilantism is the preservation of social stability in the face of innovative behavior. It is often a reaction to the widening range of officially tolerated innovation and the existence of state‐sponsored innovation. Besides a study of the typification of motivation, the article deals with the vigilante personality.     

析拉丁美洲现代化进程中的”威权政治”

威权政治即“已经取得政治独立的国家或地区，在其现代化的起步阶段，也是市场经济发展的初期出现的，形式上保留了选举、代议制、政党等民主政治形式，但实际上限制公民政治自由、高度集权的一种过渡性政治形态。”在世界现代化进程中，威权政治形态曾出现于德国、俄罗斯、日本、西班牙、葡萄牙，以及东亚等国家和地区，而拉丁美洲现代化进程中的威权政治则是最具典型意义。拉丁美洲在发展中国家和地区中现代化起步最早，从19世纪上半叶开始至今已经将近二个世纪的时间。     

Leadership and innovation in the administrative state

The field of public administration, as well as the social science upon which it is based, has given little serious attention to the importance of vigorous leadership by career as well as non-career public administrators. The field tends to focus on the rigidities of political behavior and the obstacles to change. To reclaim an understanding of the importance of individual leadership the author suggests the use of biography and life history. The behavior and personality of the entrepreneur is an especially helpful perspective on the connection between leadership and organizational or institutional innovation. The case of Julius Henry Cohen, who played a pivotal role in the development of the New York Port Authority, is used to illustrate the connection between the entrepreneurial personality or perspective and innovation.

In the social sciences—and especially in the study of American political institutions—primary attention is given to the role of interest groups and to bureaucratic routines and other institutional processes that shape the behavior of executive agencies and legislative bodies. In view of the powerful and sustained pressures from these forces, the opportunities for leadership—to create new programs, to redirect individual agencies and broad policies, and to make a measurable impact in meeting social problems—are very limited. At least this is the message, implicit and often explicit, in the literature that shapes the common understanding of the professional scholar and the educated layperson in public affairs.⁽¹⁾ For administrative officials, captured (or cocooned) in the middle—or even at the top—of large bureaucratic agencies, the prospects for “making a difference” seem particularly unpromising. In his recent study of federal bureau chiefs, Herbert Kaufman expresses this view with clarity:… The chiefs did not pour out important decisions in a steady stream. Days sometimes went by without any choice of this kind emerging from their offices … If you need assurance that you labors will work enduring changes on policy of administrative behavior, you would do well to look elsewhere. ⁽²⁾

There are, of course, exceptions to these dominant patterns in the literature. In particular, political scientists and other scholars who study the American presidency or the behavior of other national leaders often treat these executives and their aides as highly significant actors in creating and reshaping public programs and social priorities. ⁽³⁾ However, based on a review of the literature and discussions with more than a dozen colleagues who teach in political science and related fields, the themes sketched out above represent with reasonable accuracy the dominant view in the social sciences.

The scholarly field of public administration is part of the social sciences, and the generalizations set forth above apply to writings in that field as well.⁽⁴⁾ (Indeed, Kaufman's book on federal bureau chiefs won the Brownlow Award, as the most significant volume in public administration in the year it was published.) Similarly, the argument regarding scholarly writing in the social sciences can be extended to the texts and books of reading used in courses in political science and public administration; what is in the scholarly works and the textbooks influences how we design our courses and what messages we convey in class. The provisional conclusion here, then, is that in courses as well as in writings the public administration field gives little attention to the importance of vigorous leadership—by career as well as noncareer administrators. Neither does it give much attention to the strategies of leadership that are available to overcome intellectual and political obstacles which impede the development and maintenance of coalitions which support innovative policies and programs.⁽⁵⁾

The further implication is that students learn from what we teach, directly and indirectly. Students who might otherwise respond enthusiastically to the opportunities and challenges of working on important social programs learn mainly from educators that there are many obstacles to change and that innovations tend to go awry.⁽⁶⁾ And there the education often stops, and the students go elsewhere, to the challenges of business or of law. Those students who remain to listen seem to be those more attracted to the stability of a career in budgeting or personnel management. Public administration needs these people, but not them alone. If career officials should have an active role in governance and if the general quality of the public service is to be raised, does it not require a wider range of young people entering the service—including those who are risk-takers, those who seek in working with others the exercise of “large powers”?

Taken as a class, or at least in small and middle-sized groups, scholars in the fields of public administration and political science tend to be optimistic in their outlook on the world. Informally, in talking with their colleagues, they tend to convey a sense that public agencies can do things better than the private sector, and they sometimes serve (even without pay) on task forces and advisory bodies that attempt to improve the “output” of specific programs and agencies and that at times make some modest steps in that direction. Why, then, do public administration writings and courses tend to dwell so heavily on the rigidities of political behavior and the obstacles to change?

One reason may be our interest, as social scientists, in being “scientific.” We look for recurring patterns in the complex data of political and administrative life, and these regularities are more readily found in the behavior of interest groups and in the structures of bureaucratic cultures and routines. The role of specific leaders, and perhaps the role of leadership generally, do not as easily lend themselves to generalization and prediction.

Perhaps at some deeper level we are attracted to pathology, inclined to dwell on the negative messages of political life and to emphasize weakness and failures when the messages are mixed. Here, perhaps more than elsewhere, the evidence is impressionistic. ⁽⁷⁾

Some of the concerns noted above—about the messages conveyed to students and to others—have been expressed by James March in a recent essay on the role of leadership. He doubts that the talents of specific individual managers are the controlling influences in the way organizations behave. He, however, questions whether we should embrace an alternative view—a perspective that describes administrative action in terms of “loose coupling, organized anarchy, and garbage-can decision processes.” That theory, March argues, “appears to be uncomfortably pessimistic about the significance of administrators. Indeed, it seems potentially pernicious even if correct.” Pernicious, because the administrator who accepts that theory would be less inclined to try to “make a difference” and would thereby lose some actual opportunities to take constructive action.⁽⁸⁾

March does not, however, conclude that the “organized anarchy” theory is correct. He is now inclined to believe that a third theory is closer to the truth. Administrators do affect the ways in which organizations function. The key variable in an organization that functions well is having a “density of administrative competence” rather than “having an unusually gifted individual at the top.” How does an organization come to have a cluster of very able administrators—a density of competence—so that the team can reach out vigorously and break free from the web of loose coupling and organized anarchy? Here March provides only hints at the answer. It happens, he suggests, by selection procedures that bring in able people and by a structure of motivation “that leads all managers to push themselves to the limit. “⁽⁹⁾     

The development and evolution of city-county management in Ireland: An illustration of central-local administrative relationships

Ireland was the first European nation to model its local governments after the American council-manager plan. Although the diffusion of the manager plan in the U.S. was slow, and at local initiative, the Irish experience was very different. The central government in Ireland imposed the manager plan on all urban districts, boroughs and counties within a short period of time. This “imposition” was designed with both political and administrative values in sight. Politically, the period immediately after independence from Great Britain was unstable and violent. A method was needed to bring order, stability and uniformity to the emerging nation. One approach was to exert central control over the activities of the one hundred elected councils in small towns, villages, boroughs and major cities. The institution of city-county manager was designed to facilitate the control by national political leaders over local authorities. Managers were appointed by the central Ministry of Local Government, were given significant administrative autonomy from local councils and were protected in their positions by national-level structures. The political values of stability, order, uniformity in the nation: building process created an environment for the emergence of new administrative values. Values of professionalism, efficiency, accountability, modernization replaced out-dated practices. An understanding of modern Ireland's experiences in local government administration may give additional insights into the active, essential role of administration in developing nations. Particularly, the role of administrators as stabilizers in conditions of political and social instability deserve our increased attention.     

Disinvesting in the administrative capacity for public action

Recurring cutbacks in the public sector have received extensiveattention. Most of the emphasis has been on how to adjust to declinein support for public programs. Cutback Management andcon-tracting-out are examples of this approach. This article focuseson the negative consequence of cutbacks. It suggests that inadequateattention is being given to the decrease in the capacity of agenciesto act. An administrative disinvestment is occurring in much the sameway as it has for roads, bridges and other parts of our public infrastructure. Now, we are disinvesting in another critical social asset--our public bureau-cracies. The nature and implictions ofadminis-trative disinvestment are explord.     

An economic analysis of the extended family in the West Indies

The economic portion of family life involves the exchange of goods and care. The paper argues that there are four identifiable kinds of utility that can be derived from participating in the extended family. Furthermore, as income increases, the total utility involved in giving care to distant kin falls. However, on the cost side the opportunity cost incurred by giving a gift away probably increases as income increases while the production cost falls. In neo‐classical terms the individual would have an incentive to evade responsibilities to distant kin as soon as his costs exceeded the utility he gained from these arrangements. The kin and the community, however, can and do levy an additional disapprobation cost on evaders; and the magnitude of this cost may well turn out to be critical in determining whether or not the extended family will break down in any community.

The assertion that the extended family breaks down as income rises has been questioned on theoretical and empirical grounds. Furthermore, this paper is sceptical about the argument that such a breakdown is desirable from the point of view of economic development. This is because there is no disincentive to work when the participants in an extended family find the arrangement mutually valuable as is the usual case; and because the extended family can be a source of entrepreneurial strength.     

Exploring the E-Government Gap in South America

Abstract

The transition to an information society requires the implementation of effective actions by the different actors of the new society and economy. The private sector has already started to get involved. It is now public administration’s turn, and, although far behind the business world, it has been provided with an important tool: the electronic government model.

Although several projects have been carried out all over the globe, the development of such initiatives is very much unequal, depending on not only the region of the world but also varying from country to country within each region. Thus, while countries such as the United States, Great Britain, Sweden, Singapore, Australia, and Canada are the leaders when it comes to implementing electronic government programs, the same cannot be said about most Latin American nations.

It is the intention of this article to address this unequal situation, which will be called the e-government divide, emphasizing the global and the regional e-government gaps.     

The process of professionalization and the rebuilding of administrative ethics in post-MAO China

The process of professionalization for Chinese administration is in essence one that is shifting from the Party's cadres to the civil servants of the state, from a revolutionary clique with a special mission to a professional administrative group serving the general interest of the society. As a revolutionary clique existing under the Party's leadership for a long time, it was characterized by “traditional features,” such as not being open to all citizens, politics overwhelming administration, management based on personal style rather than professional norms, etc. These features, to a large degree, produced a corresponding administrative attitude, ethics and behavior, which include a sense of “paternal official,” self-discipline, adoring personalized authority. They in turn support the traditional system with both positive and negative consequences.

The economic reform provided the impetus for changing the traditional system, and new framework with a strange civil service emerged, with such professional characteristics as opening jobs up to the whole society, respect for law and regulation, management and promotion based on merit, etc. However, the negative side of the economic reform has hindered the further development of professionalization. In particular, corruption and negligence of administrative ethics have undermined the new system. Further professionalization needs a spirit provided by rebuilding public administration: changing ideology and attitude, innovating institutions, and reforming the culture.     

Comparable worth in the united states legal and administrative developments in the 1980's

During the 1980's, the concept of comparable worth has become closely identified with women's rights and sex discrimination concerns, and is now recognized by advocates and critics alike as one of the major affirmative action issues of the decade. Simply put, comparable worth refers to the idea of equal pay for dissimilar jobs of equal value to an organization.

According to comparable worth proponents, jobs traditionally associated with women have been systematically undervalued in the marketplace. The net result is a disparity in pay for women when compared with that for jobs largely held by men. It is also argued that this compensatory bias against women can be revealed and eliminated by assessing the economic value of disparate occupations through the use of objective standards of evaluation. For example, although secretarial and janitorial jobs are dissimilar in function, it is argued that pay equity can be achieved by assessing such factors as working conditions and the amount of training, responsibility and effort required for each job.

Critics of comparable worth take strong exception to these assertions. They argue that the wage differential between men and women is more the result of career choice and market forces than sex discrimination. Moreover, they contend that employers must often pay a higher wage for some occupations than others in order to remain competitive and to attract the best qualified personnel. Finally, critics of comparable worth maintain that job evaluation systems are inherently subjective. Therefore, any comparison of dissimilar jobs is at best arbitrary.

These conflicting points of view have formed the crux of the comparable worth debate during the past 10 years. The purpose of this review is to assess some of the outcomes and trends established by this debate as well as what those trends appear to indicate for the coming decade. To do so, we shall examine the comparable worth issue from legal, legislative and administrative perspectives.     

探析新世纪世界政党政治的钟摆现象

新世纪以来,世界政党政治的钟摆充分体现了"十年河东、十年河西"的政治发展规律.进入新世纪以来,在世界主要的资本主义国家中,奉行右翼意识形态和政治倾向的资产阶级右翼政党相继在新一轮选举中取得执政地位,表明世界政党政治走向由冷战结束初期的中左翼政党政治向右翼政党政治的回归.     

National administrative agencies in transition: A comparison of sweden and the united states

The abilities of national administrative agencies in Sweden and the United States to function effectively are influenced by their responses to three major phenomena: 1) growth in the responsibilities of government; 2) decentralization; and, 3) privatization. This paper delineates how these phenomena have affected the development of national administrative organizations in these two countries. Implications for administering national agencies in increasingly complex interorganizational environments are discussed.     

privatization in latin America: the other side of the story

In line with the current global trends, most Latin American countries have adopted promarket reforms, including privatization, deregulation, and liberalization, under the auspices of various market-friendly regimes and international financial agencies. They carried out privatization exercises based on the rationales that privatization would enhance competitiveness and efficiency, overcome economic stagnation and fiscal crisis, eradicate poverty and unemployment, reduce external debt, and increase foreign investment. In opposition to these rationales, however, the actual socioeconomic conditions in most Latin American countries have hardly improved, and in many cases, the situation has worsened. This article attempts to offer a more critical account of the outcomes of privatization by evaluating the trends of economic realities in Latin American countries before and after privatization programs were adopted. It is found that except for a few cases, most Latin American economies have not performed well during the privatization period in terms of various economic criteria. The article then explores why privatization remains a favorite policy option in Latin America despite its dismal outcomes during the policy period.