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1.
Since the 1980s local government recruitment practices have been characterised by the development of procedures designed to promote fairness in employee selection. This article examines recruitment practice in one local authority in terms of its effectiveness in providing fairness in selection and questions its ability to meet the changing demands being placed on recruitment processes. A central argument is that an emphasis on developing recruitment procedures to demonstrate equality of treatment can overlook important social psychological factors. It concludes that although a highly structured approach to employee selection has real advantages in meeting the requirements of equal opportunities it can, paradoxically, result in negative perceptions about its fairness and effectiveness.  相似文献   

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This article examines the recruitment processes that shaped the patterns of gendered segregation in Labour and Conservative party group hierarchies in two local authorities in the north of England in the late 1980s. The article explores the ways in which women councillors necessarily negotiate the tensions of being a woman in male dominated party groups, and the ways in which these negotiations are mediated by party group differences. The research on which the article is based indicates that during periods of local political change, gains made by women in their party group may be consolidated but may also be eroded.  相似文献   

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This article reports the findings from a nationwide survey of MPA directors’ perceptions of their programs’ conflict. The survey explored the directors’ general perceptions of their programs’ conflict and perceptions of conflict associated with thirty programmatic areas. The survey was designed to test commonly held assumptions that programs delivered by political science departments, business schools, and unconventional structures are more conducive to conflict than independent departments and schools of public affairs and administration. The article also explores the relationship between conflict and program effectiveness.  相似文献   

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《Communist and Post》2019,52(2):105-115
While socioeconomic crisis – like in Germany after World War I and in Russia after the Cold War – is a necessary precondition for democratic erosion resulting in a breakdown of democracy, it is not a sufficient condition. We identify, in the cases of Weimar Germany and post-Soviet Russia, a post-imperial syndrome that includes nationalist irredentism and an ambition to return to the status quo ante of a “great power” as a main reason why democratization faces specific and enormous challenges for former “great powers.” A slide back to authoritarianism in post-imperial democracies takes a high toll. It is facilitated by international political conflicts, including annexation and wars, with new neighbouring states that harbor territories perceived as external national homelands like the Sudetenland or Crimea.  相似文献   

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This article argues that Russia has a peculiar form of authoritarianism that exhibits pronounced technocratic features. The analysis places in a comparative frame the bases of regime legitimacy and the paths to political, administrative, and economic power in Russia. By locating the Russian state in a matrix that considers the ideology of governance on one axis and the backgrounds of elites on the other, the article highlights areas of overlap and separation between state–society relations in Russia and other regimes in the developed and developing world. It also illustrates the ways in which technocratic elites in Russia differ from their counterparts in other parts of the world.  相似文献   

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The abilities of national administrative agencies in Sweden and the United States to function effectively are influenced by their responses to three major phenomena: 1) growth in the responsibilities of government; 2) decentralization; and, 3) privatization. This paper delineates how these phenomena have affected the development of national administrative organizations in these two countries. Implications for administering national agencies in increasingly complex interorganizational environments are discussed.  相似文献   

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For more than two decades, economists and sociologists have pursued parallel cross-national quantitative investigations of the determinants of economic development. These investigations have proceeded in mutual ignorance despite the often large overlap in statistical methods and data employed. Apparently contradictory findings have resulted, especially regarding the impacts of international trade and foreign direct investment. We find that there are two factors that account for these inconsistent results. One key factor is the use of different variables to measure international trade and investment, the choice of which is in turn driven by underlying differences in theoretical motivations. A second important difference involves sociologists’ greater preoccupation with more complex multivariate models versus economists’ greater willingness to focus on individual variables in multivariate regressions while viewing others as “controls.” A major finding of our survey is that when thesame variables are used, the results of economists and sociologists tend to be consistent, rather than contradictory (as might have occurred, for example, because of the use of different samples of countries or time periods, or the use of other variables included in the regression equations). We also consider some studies whose purviews go beyond economic growth to consider factors such as income inequality, physical quality of life, demographic change, and basic needs provisioning. Angela Martin Crowly is at the Department of Sociology, University of California, Irvine, Irvine, California 92717. James Rauch is at the department of Economics, University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, California 92093. Susanna Seagrave is at the U.S. General Accounting Office, Washington, D.C. 20548. David A. Smith is at the Department of Sociology, University of California, Irvine, Irvine, California 92717.  相似文献   

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A great deal of activity is currently underway in Canada surrounding pay equity. Several provinces have passed legislation requiring some form of assessment or implementation of equity for public and/or private sector employers. However, definitions of what constitutes equity have not been consistent across provinces. Differing provisions have quite different implications for the overall equity of the results. Analysis of these implications are useful for policy makers designing assessments and implementation projects. The paper examines the legislation in Manitoba and Ontario in terms of how each provides for equity. Each piece of legislation contains provisions which may compromise the resulting equity, either in the way gender-domination is defined, the way comparable worth is estimated, or the way equity is achieved. The lessons to be learned (or re-learned) from these provisions are detailed.  相似文献   

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New information technologies have the potential for transforming the ways governments are organized, the activities they perform, how they perform them, and the nature of work itself. Governments in the U.S. and Scandinavia have followed fundamentally different approaches to the introduction of computing and to dealing with its effects. These differences in approach to automation have influenced each country's view of the role of government in anticipating and dealing with the effects of changes in computer technology on the public service workforce.  相似文献   

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The functioning of public administration should be consistent with the general interest, common to all citizens, and independent from the particularized interests of changing political forces. A condition for the proper functioning of administration is the selection of appropriate personnel to perform the duties defined by the state. According to the premises of this paper, the recruitment of personnel based upon objective criteria is of fundamental importance for the effective realization of the administration's mission. This article analyzes the weaknesses of personnel policy in fiscal administration in Poland after 1989 against the background of the broader process of creating a Polish civil service. The study aims at determining the extent to which the actual relations between politics and administration reflect legal regulations. The article focuses on personnel policy with regard to senior positions in fiscal administration, whose occupants have leverage over decision-making processes and human resources policy in various agencies. It turns out that after every parliamentary election there is major turnover in the personnel occupying senior positions in the fiscal administration offices, that is, the persons associated with the previous governing team are replaced with individuals enjoying the confidence of those who have just come to power. In light of these findings one can infer that, contrary to the constitutional principles guiding the functioning of the government administration in Poland, its politicians have deliberately designed legal regulations in such a manner as to enable them to assume control over fiscal administration.  相似文献   

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The global economy imposes many constraints on small economies, especially those pursuing export-oriented industrialization (EOI) through the attraction of foreign direct investment. It has been argued that the success of EOI depends on the government’s ability to meet the labor requirements of this economic model—labor peace and low wages—through labor control policies and even repression. This article compares the histories of labor control in Ireland, Puerto Rico, and Singapore, three island-nations of similarly small size and high degree of integration with the global economy. While the pressures for labor control during EOI are evident in each case, there is a great deal of variation in the strategies governments adopted to rein in organized labor. I argue that the labor control methods employed during EOI are not explained by an economic logic but by a political one inherited from an earlier period when labor control was motivated by the efforts of a dominant party to consolidate its power.  相似文献   

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The claim that Public Service Motivation (PSM) is an antecedent of prosocial behaviour has often been empirically tested and supported. However, closer inspection of this literature reveals large disparities in relating the two constructs. One reason that could explain such differences is that the relationship between PSM and prosocial behaviours has been primarily tested using self-reported cross-sectional, single-rater and same-survey data. While all of these are widely used methodological approaches in social sciences, they are also susceptible to potential biases. We conduct two comparative studies to re-examine this relationship. Study 1 utilizes self-reported cross-sectional, single-rater and same-survey data linking PSM and prosocial behaviour, revealing a positive relationship with PSM's Compassion dimension. Study 2 involves observing actual prosocial behaviour in a real-life setting. Then, the correlation between PSM and prosocial behaviour disappears. We conclude by discussing the possible reasons that could lead to the differences found across the two studies.  相似文献   

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This article, using the methodology developed by Foster, Greer, and Thorbecke to measure and decompose poverty, provides estimates of the levels of poverty in rural and urban areas in Bangladesh. It investigates in the context of Bangladesh, the most powerful effect of poverty in terms of a shortfall in food for daily calorie intake by the poor. It provides intertemporal comparison of poverty and its decomposition among subgroups. It also makes comparisons between the results obtained in this study with those currently available. The results of the study show a significant improvement in poverty situations in rural areas from 1982 to 1986. The article also discusses the policy implications of its findings.  相似文献   

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Zsolt Enyedi 《欧亚研究》2006,58(7):1101-1117
This article analyses the financial and organisational profile of the major Hungarian political parties. The question investigated is whether the structure of income and expenditure and the organisational make-up of parties are related to each other, and whether these patterns are compatible with the general rules of party finance, the ideology and power position of the parties, as well as general political development. The analysis of the empirical data finds a correspondence between the regulation of party finance and the generally high level of party centralisation. The structure of expenditure was found to be most closely related to party size, but size did not explain the ratio of donations. As expected, conservative parties tended to have a small membership and were more dependent on their leaders. However, the role of members, donations and membership fees, and the status of MPs within the party hierarchy were not well predicted by membership in party families. The exact distribution of power within the organisations, and the ratio between the various sources of income and targets of expenditure seem to depend more on the individual trajectories of parties as organisations than on any of the general classificatory schemes.  相似文献   

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