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布什这八年     
衰征 《当代世界》2009,(1):33-35
时光匆匆,布什总统在白宫的日子已进入倒计时,人们开始盘点他留给美国、留给世界的政治遗产。小布什将是美国历史上颇具争议的一位总统。当被问到感到最失望的事时,他也毫无掩饰地说,自己可能成为美国历史上最不受欢迎的总统之一。  相似文献   

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The American policy landscape during the George W. Bush administration was shaped by a series of traumatic events that confronted the nation and people of the United States. These included the terrorist attacks of 9/11 in 2001, the anthrax attacks in the fall of 2001, military actions in Afghanistan and Iraq, Hurricane Katrina in 2005, the threat of a flu pandemic in 2005 and 2006, the 2007 Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change reports, and the financial collapse of 2008. The results of the 2008 presidential election appear to be a rejection of the Bush administration's major policy responses to these events, but the variation in type and level of public support among different groups suggests a much more varied and dynamic portrait of America in turbulent times. Using a multiyear panel survey, an interdisciplinary team of political scientists and psychologists analyzed the behavior and political responses to the events by the American public. The findings suggest that even seven years after the events of 11 September 2001, people with higher levels of post-traumatic stress symptomatology related to 9/11 have significantly different interpretations of the threat of terrorism and the appropriate policy responses to it than do others. Perceptions of threat, the political salience of terrorism and other traumatic events, the level of support for political leaders and assessments of the government's actions vary over time and across different groups within society based on the psychological, political and social, and personal characteristics of the respondent. These results help to open the black box of aggregate public opinion by providing a detailed portrait of how psychological, social, political, and personal factors affected perceptions and political behavior during the George W. Bush administration.  相似文献   

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Zsolt Enyedi 《欧亚研究》2006,58(7):1101-1117
This article analyses the financial and organisational profile of the major Hungarian political parties. The question investigated is whether the structure of income and expenditure and the organisational make-up of parties are related to each other, and whether these patterns are compatible with the general rules of party finance, the ideology and power position of the parties, as well as general political development. The analysis of the empirical data finds a correspondence between the regulation of party finance and the generally high level of party centralisation. The structure of expenditure was found to be most closely related to party size, but size did not explain the ratio of donations. As expected, conservative parties tended to have a small membership and were more dependent on their leaders. However, the role of members, donations and membership fees, and the status of MPs within the party hierarchy were not well predicted by membership in party families. The exact distribution of power within the organisations, and the ratio between the various sources of income and targets of expenditure seem to depend more on the individual trajectories of parties as organisations than on any of the general classificatory schemes.  相似文献   

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The abilities of national administrative agencies in Sweden and the United States to function effectively are influenced by their responses to three major phenomena: 1) growth in the responsibilities of government; 2) decentralization; and, 3) privatization. This paper delineates how these phenomena have affected the development of national administrative organizations in these two countries. Implications for administering national agencies in increasingly complex interorganizational environments are discussed.  相似文献   

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K. Marwah 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(3-4):332-346
A new non‐traditional identity for the role of liquid assets in consumption in terms of income distribution effect is developed and analyzed. It is contended that in the case of developing countries with increasing monetization of the economy, the rapidly accumulating liquid assets relative to income indicate a highly skewed distribution of income which in turn is conducive to their saving behaviour. The argument is theoretically presented and statistically tested for two major developing regions of the world, Asia and Latin America. By using cross country data, their regional consumption functions are constructed, the long term elasticities are estimated and the aggregate consumption expenditures for three years are generated.  相似文献   

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Post-development theorists have declared development obsolete and bankrupt and have called for ‘alternatives to development’. What do they mean by such calls and what should be the African response to such calls? In this paper I will attempt to address three important questions: first, what is meant by post-development theory's call for ‘alternatives to development’? Second, why consider post-development theory from an African perspective? Third, what contributions can a consideration of African difference and diversity make towards debate on ‘alternatives to development’? I conclude by arguing that increased consideration of the African experience would be valuable for all who are seeking alternative ways of dealing with the problems that development purports to address.  相似文献   

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New information technologies have the potential for transforming the ways governments are organized, the activities they perform, how they perform them, and the nature of work itself. Governments in the U.S. and Scandinavia have followed fundamentally different approaches to the introduction of computing and to dealing with its effects. These differences in approach to automation have influenced each country's view of the role of government in anticipating and dealing with the effects of changes in computer technology on the public service workforce.  相似文献   

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For more than two decades, economists and sociologists have pursued parallel cross-national quantitative investigations of the determinants of economic development. These investigations have proceeded in mutual ignorance despite the often large overlap in statistical methods and data employed. Apparently contradictory findings have resulted, especially regarding the impacts of international trade and foreign direct investment. We find that there are two factors that account for these inconsistent results. One key factor is the use of different variables to measure international trade and investment, the choice of which is in turn driven by underlying differences in theoretical motivations. A second important difference involves sociologists’ greater preoccupation with more complex multivariate models versus economists’ greater willingness to focus on individual variables in multivariate regressions while viewing others as “controls.” A major finding of our survey is that when thesame variables are used, the results of economists and sociologists tend to be consistent, rather than contradictory (as might have occurred, for example, because of the use of different samples of countries or time periods, or the use of other variables included in the regression equations). We also consider some studies whose purviews go beyond economic growth to consider factors such as income inequality, physical quality of life, demographic change, and basic needs provisioning. Angela Martin Crowly is at the Department of Sociology, University of California, Irvine, Irvine, California 92717. James Rauch is at the department of Economics, University of California, San Diego, La Jolla, California 92093. Susanna Seagrave is at the U.S. General Accounting Office, Washington, D.C. 20548. David A. Smith is at the Department of Sociology, University of California, Irvine, Irvine, California 92717.  相似文献   

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The claim that Public Service Motivation (PSM) is an antecedent of prosocial behaviour has often been empirically tested and supported. However, closer inspection of this literature reveals large disparities in relating the two constructs. One reason that could explain such differences is that the relationship between PSM and prosocial behaviours has been primarily tested using self-reported cross-sectional, single-rater and same-survey data. While all of these are widely used methodological approaches in social sciences, they are also susceptible to potential biases. We conduct two comparative studies to re-examine this relationship. Study 1 utilizes self-reported cross-sectional, single-rater and same-survey data linking PSM and prosocial behaviour, revealing a positive relationship with PSM's Compassion dimension. Study 2 involves observing actual prosocial behaviour in a real-life setting. Then, the correlation between PSM and prosocial behaviour disappears. We conclude by discussing the possible reasons that could lead to the differences found across the two studies.  相似文献   

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《Communist and Post》2019,52(2):105-115
While socioeconomic crisis – like in Germany after World War I and in Russia after the Cold War – is a necessary precondition for democratic erosion resulting in a breakdown of democracy, it is not a sufficient condition. We identify, in the cases of Weimar Germany and post-Soviet Russia, a post-imperial syndrome that includes nationalist irredentism and an ambition to return to the status quo ante of a “great power” as a main reason why democratization faces specific and enormous challenges for former “great powers.” A slide back to authoritarianism in post-imperial democracies takes a high toll. It is facilitated by international political conflicts, including annexation and wars, with new neighbouring states that harbor territories perceived as external national homelands like the Sudetenland or Crimea.  相似文献   

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The federal Small Business Administration's 8(a) program raises issues of minority business empowerment and effective policy implementation. Given the role of enterprise in both addressing the historical and contemporary problems of minority economic and community development and in empowering minority communities, and given the current nature, extent and distribution of minority, particularly African-American business establishments, the performance of the 8(a) program as a substantial infusion of capital and experience into the African-American community is essential. According to a recent report of the Commission on Minority Business Development, the 8(a) is seriously flawed in the management of the problem. Regulation and enforcement, coordination, evaluation and monitoring and accountability are serious challenges to the viability of the program. Entrepreneurial empowerment is enhanced not only by effective policy development but also be effective policy implementation of the 8(a) and other set-aside programs.  相似文献   

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A great deal of activity is currently underway in Canada surrounding pay equity. Several provinces have passed legislation requiring some form of assessment or implementation of equity for public and/or private sector employers. However, definitions of what constitutes equity have not been consistent across provinces. Differing provisions have quite different implications for the overall equity of the results. Analysis of these implications are useful for policy makers designing assessments and implementation projects. The paper examines the legislation in Manitoba and Ontario in terms of how each provides for equity. Each piece of legislation contains provisions which may compromise the resulting equity, either in the way gender-domination is defined, the way comparable worth is estimated, or the way equity is achieved. The lessons to be learned (or re-learned) from these provisions are detailed.  相似文献   

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The exact nature of the events of December 1989 in Romania has long been the subject of intense speculation and this article seeks to contribute to this ongoing debate by considering the previously rather neglected question of whether from a theoretical point of view it can be justifiably termed a revolution. Utilizing the current literature on theories of revolution, it examines whether the events constituted a revolution or some other form of irregular political challenge such as a coup d'état or popular uprising. The overall conclusion is that although a revolutionary situation arose in the country in 1989, a revolutionary outcome is not yet assured.  相似文献   

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