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1.
As the world becomes increasingly interdependent, Americans interested in public administration will begin to realize that it is a universal phenomenon and field of inquiry that attracts the attention of researchers and teachers in all countries of the world. This will lead them to stop equating American governance with Public Administration. They will come to see that, in a comparative frame of reference, American bureaucracy, its administrative practices and political functions are quite unique. Comparative Public Administration as a special focus of study will disappear because all administrative studies must be comparative, and “American Public Administration” will gain recognition as one of many parochial foci for research as a country-specific emphasis.

Before this shift in perspective can gain widespread acceptance in America, however, the relevant work of non-American scholars will have to become more generally read in America, and the distinctively American conditions that led to the origin of this field and its subsequent dissemination on a global basis must be recognized.

Among the specific points that this paradigmatic shift will highlight are the following: the reasons why bureauphilia and bureauphobia persist in a context marked by pressure to make administrative studies and performance non-political and to divorce “politics” from “public administration;” the vain effort to gain recognition for Public Administration as either a profession or a discipline; the institutional implications of this false dilemma; the effects of focusing on career civil servants while paying scant attention to other bureaucrats, namely military officers, partisan appointees, retainers and consultants; and the causes and consequences of the American bureaucracy's semi-powered status.  相似文献   

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This paper highlights a three-year odyssey working with the City of Memphis and nonprofit agencies to assess the extent of homelessness and identify gaps in care. It is suggested that working with the homeless is a classic example of what is meant by the concept of public administration as a science, process, and art. Even the most sophisticated scientific understanding of homelessness is necessary but not sufficient; the ability to bring together a diverse and fragmented provider population also requires expert process skills and an understanding of the art of persuasion and high-trust leadership.  相似文献   

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This article examines the relationship between Marshall Dimock's positive, broad-based concept of public administration and his approach to writing undergraduate textbooks. Analysis shows that both Dimock's American government and public administration textbooks provide a different slant on public agencies than that available in most current introductory volumes. In particular, his American government textbook is more positive in tone about agencies than are its modern counterparts. The public administration textbook has comparative material that rarely appears in introductory-level textbooks.

This article analyzes how Marshall Dimock's conception of public administration as an important area of study with links to policy and leadership anchored his textbook writing. In the 1950s Dimock co-authored two popular textbooks for basic undergraduate courses, one in American government and the other in public administration.(1)

Scholars still debate what textbooks in either field should teach students about public agencies. Cigler and Neiswender argue that current American government textbooks portray administration in a negative light. All authors see bureaucracy as a problem of some sort, few explain the role administrators play in shaping policy and none discuss reasons to enter the public service.(2) Cigler and Neiswender suggest that American government textbooks must change to aid accurate perceptions of the administrative role. In particular, they believe the texts must add material on the public service as a profession and compare American agencies with those in other nations.

Since public administration textbooks are a key way that majors in the field learn material, debate ensues on what material they should contain. Recent articles explore how textbooks define key terms such as policy and how they integrate the work of various theorists.(3)

While all widely-used textbooks deal with both the political environment and internal agency functions (e.g., personnel, finance), no consensus exists on how to allocate space between political and managerial concerns nor on exactly which subtopics should be covered. No consensus exists on how much space should be devoted to policy making and policy analysis with some textbooks covering this topic and others skimming it lightly.

One often cited problem with contemporary texts is the lack of a comparative focus and a concomitant need to internationalize the curriculum.(4) The thrust of current proposals is that students need a more broad-based education to prepare them for global leadership.

Interestingly, Dimock's approach to public administration led him to write textbooks that in some ways surpass what is available today. While the majority of the topics he presents (and their ordering) are similar to current efforts, he offers unique emphases that deal with the above mentioned criticisms. Far from being an exercise in academic nostalgia, examining Dimock's textbooks is a useful way of giving current writers new insights.

To appreciate Dimock's approach to textbook construction we first have to identify the core concepts behind his approach to public administration education. Afterwards, we can analyze the treatment of public agencies in American Government in Action, relating it to Cigler and Neiswender's critique of contemporary textbooks, and -examine how various editions of Public Administration conceptualize the field.  相似文献   

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Luther Gulick's two contributions to the Papers on the Science of Administration are often regarded as a statement of the “orthodoxy” in the field of public administration in the pre-war period. This paper challenges this view. It argues that the two basic claims in Gulick's work--the notion that public administration could be considered as a science, and that field could be studied without regard to politics--were widely contested throughout the 1920's and 1930's. Gulick adhered to these claims in part because they were useful in protecting a young and weakly-institutionalized field against powerful critics. By the late 1930's, academics in public administration may have confronted a dilemma: the position staked out by Gulick and others, while essential to the development of the field, was regarded by many within the field as being intellectually untenable.  相似文献   

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Catastrophe theory, a field of applied mathematics developed by Rene Thom and others in the 1970s, offers some promise as a paradigm for the study of developmental administration. The dynamic and qualitative nature of this approach can lead to various insights that some current and previous models lacked.

The application of catastrophe theory to the political situation in Malaysia in the early 1960s demonstrates how such a theoretical approach can be fitted to specific political systems and situations.

The author concludes by suggesting other national political settings where catastrophe theory might be fruitfully applied in the study of development and comparative administration.  相似文献   

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This article deals with the enduring problem of administrative discretion in the modern American democratic-constitutional state. In the American constitutional tradition, administrative action is legitimate when and only if it adheres to the rule of law. This implies that administrators must be able to link directly their actions to grants of authority in statutes or the Constitution. But the growth of the state apparatus and the increasing intensification of the public administration's role in society have necessitated rather broad legislative grants of discretion to the bureaucracy. The result has been a seemingly perennial tension between the rule of law ideal and the modern administrative reality.

Attempts to control discretion via evolving doctrines of administrative law have proved unsatisfactory for a variety of reasons explored in this essay. The most important shortfall has been that the continuing expansion of the administrative state threatens directly the rule of law itself. After a survey of the weaknesses of these doctrines, we conclude that the rule of law is fundamentally incompatible with the necessary work of administration in the modern American state. Administrative discretion is thus seen to pose an intractable problem for the liberal democratic society, which accounts for its problematic persistence.  相似文献   

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This article proposes using an analytical techniques approach to teaching policy analysis in public administration programs. It is organized using questions raised by journalists: who, what, why, where, when, and how. Although most attention is devoted to the content of such an approach, the initial portion of the article provides a rationale for taking that approach. The initial portion of the article concludes with a rejoinder to those who might be tempted to dismiss the argument out of hand because the proposed view of policy analysis is not a political science one.

It is desirable to go beyond a political science view of policy analysis in teaching public policy in public administration programs to a broader conception of policy analysis. Then, public policy can be fully integrated into public administration programs.

The antithesis is heard in required statistics and research methods courses where students complain that the material is irrelevant to their degree programs and career goals when the uses of statistics and research methods are not related to the practice of public administration. Integrating public policy into a public administration curriculum is most feasible in the area of policy analysis. Presentation of this argument follows the categories journalists use to ask questions and write stories: who, what, why, where, when, and how. Most attention is directed toward what.  相似文献   

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Several years ago, the public administration faculty of Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University issued their famous “Blacksburg Manifesto” the public Administration and the Governance Process: Refocusing the American Dialogue. In this document they call for a substantive change in the American Dialogue regarding the role of the public administrator. Nothing that the founding fathers viewed public service as a “calling”, as did the populists, Progressives, and New Dealers, they suggest that today’s government officials should percive themselves as “trustees” with a sense of a calling in serving for a cause. This call for a renewed convenant stimulated this researcher to speculate on the nature of the calling, its origins, definitions, applications, and its applicability as a psychological motivator for effective. productive performance in the public sector.

Our exploration for understanding starts with an examination of Western society’s earliest written record of man’s behaviour, the Bible, which is replete with stories of divine calls, first from God to the individual, and then to a group or society. We also review subsequent religious and secular calls, noting their universality and the reciprocal phenomena of “good” and “evil” which such calls exemplify. Thus, God’s call to Moses to lead the Jews out of Egypt is balanced by the fombat-driven calling of the city-state of Sparta.

We also not that the calling is subject to a hierarchy process. Plato writes about the natural endowments of individuals which creates three social classes that are called upon to serve the state; artisans, warriors, and philosopher-kings. Later on Eusebius defines a difference in the intensity and degree of suffering suffering between those professing a “high calling” and those following their“calling”.

This study also considers the meaning of the word “calling”. The researcher proposes a modification of its meaning which is less sacred and more secular in context. “Klesis Diakonis”, two separate Greek words, in combination, can be defined as a “call to joyous service”. This secular interpretation of the calling, frees it from its classic, religious association, and provides for its application to non-religious endeavor.

In conclusion, it is suggested that upon further research and study, the concept of a calling can be a vital and significant motivator, indded, part of the critical psychological and emotional makeup for those individuals in our society who are not fulfilled by material rewards. It is hypothesized here that the public-minded individual can find his or her calling through the medium of public service, can help restore the sacredness of public service as a public as a public trust, and can satisfy his or her search for self-fulfillment through the redefined concept of the calling.  相似文献   

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Current studies on Hong Kong public administration have overlooked three emerging crises of the administrative system -- the crises of mediocrity, the public service, and the metapolicy -- which may result in a complete collapse of the colonial regime. The analysis reveals the following. Firstly, operating within a paradoxical context, civil servants find it difficult to maximize their contribution. Hard pressed by the delimma of “to strive for excellence or to observe medicoirty,” many choose the latter. Thus, the overall performance of many Hong Kong public agencies and civil servants is unacceptable. Secondly, at the absence of a political theory which redefines the relationship between the political system and socio-economic system and thus the mission of the public service, many civil servants lack commitment to the public service and therefore the norm of medicority is reinforced. And thirdly, the government has reformulated its metapolicy in a way that system overloading is likely, thus making Citizen insubordination probable. It is conclusded that the future of Hong Kong is bleak and that remedial actions are awaiting: the first task is the quest for a new set of political ideology and public philosohgy; the next is reformulation of a new metapolicy, followed by forceful pulbic sector management reform.  相似文献   

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This article examines the ambiguity in the meaning of executive power in both the text of the U.S. Constitution and in subsequent judicial interpretations. This ambiguity has had a profound impact on the constitutional position of the public administration. In the recent independent counsel case, the U.S. Supreme Court offered a restrictive interpretation of the President's constitutional powers to remove subordinate officers. This new interpretation could lead to increased congressional control over administrative agencies.

The proper place and function of the public administration, unfortunately for the public administration, have been and remain inherently ambiguous because of the longstanding confusion about executive power in the Constitution of the United States. Richard Neustadt captured this ambiguity nicely when he noted that the two great themes that have characterized the American presidency have been “clerkship” and “leadership.”(1) There is no easy formula to bring clerks and leaders together to make them march in lock-step, and yet the President is clearly both. Today we may tend to emphasize his role as leader with imperial pretensions and Nixonian excesses still relatively fresh in our memories, but this is only a question of emphasis. No one denies that the President is a legally accountable officer who must do the bidding of the Congress. This is the clerkship side of the presidency.

Herbert Storing counsels against any effort to cut the Gordian knot and to try to determine once and for all just what it is our President is supposed to be: clerk or leader. “The beginning of wisdom about the American presidency,” Storing maintains, “is to see that it contains both principles and to reflect on their complex and subtle relation.”(2) Following Storing's advice, this essay reflects on the inherent ambiguity of the executive power that provides the constitutional foundation of the public administration. First, we examine the text of the Constitution and the meaning of executive power at the time of the founding. Then we study the confusion that the Supreme Court has created in its efforts to draw practical conclusions for presidential personnel management from the constitutional grant of “the executive power” to the President in relation to the removal power. Third, we examine some of the recent problems of executive power that surfaced in Watergate and became salient in the important constitutional debate over the special prosecutors, those most unwelcome intruders into the inner precincts of the Reagan administration.  相似文献   

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Since their introduction in 1984 Challenge funds have been widely adopted by central government. They are now used by twelve government departments to distribute competitively more than £3,250 million of Exchequer funds. The introduction of Challenge funds appears to have been politically driven, usually focusing on the objectives of cost and efficiency rather than quality and equity. They represent a further manifestation of the introduction of competition and ‘market style’ structures. This paper examines the key features of 41 Challenge funds and their operational characteristics. Numerous benefits, such as cost savings and innovation, arising from the introduction of Challenge funds have been put forward. By reviewing other studies, which have investigated the impact of the introduction of competition in producer and consumer markets, and through comparison with previous schemes it is possible to examine the potential impact of Challenge funds. Administrative and monitoring mechanisms are found to be centralizing control, despite assertions to the contrary. There is a growing concern that the level of information collection required is too arduous and it is used to control and regulate schemes rather than as a method of investigating where operations could be improved. Leverage from Challenge funds has been no more successful than earlier non-competitive initiatives. Competitive bidding could stifle innovation and participatory democracy is not encouraged or facilitated by Challenge funds.  相似文献   

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Since their introduction in 1984 Challenge funds have been widely adopted by central government. They are now used by twelve government departments to distribute competitively more than £3,250 million of Exchequer funds. The introduction of Challenge funds appears to have been politically driven, usually focusing on the objectives of cost and efficiency rather than quality and equity. They represent a further manifestation of the introduction of competition and 'market style' structures. This paper examines the key features of 41 Challenge funds and their operational characteristics. Numerous benefits, such as cost savings and innovation, arising from the introduction of Challenge funds have been put forward. By reviewing other studies, which have investigated the impact of the introduction of competition in producer and consumer markets, and through comparison with previous schemes it is possible to examine the potential impact of Challenge funds. Administrative and monitoring mechanisms are found to be centralizing control, despite assertions to the contrary. There is a growing concern that the level of information collection required is too arduous and it is used to control and regulate schemes rather than as a method of investigating where operations could be improved. Leverage from Challenge funds has been no more successful than earlier non-competitive initiatives. Competitive bidding could stifle innovation and participatory democracy is not encouraged or facilitated by Challenge funds.  相似文献   

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The emerging North American trade bloc presents both challenges and opportunities for Mexico, Canada, and the United States. Free trade among disparate partners is a complex undertaking. The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) will bring important benefits to all three countries, but it will also raise many important issues. The sharp differences in wage rates, worker productivity, and education levels among the partners has fueled fears of job losses on both sides of the border. Disparity among NAFTA nations on labor practices, health and occupational safety laws and regulations are also sources of conflict. Effective dispute resolution mechanisms must exist for both the trade and non-trade issues. Practical guidance, in this regard, can come from the experience of the Canadian Free Trade Agreement (CFTA) and the European Economic Community (EEC; European Union since 1993). New political and administration mechanisms will be required to deal with each of these challenging issues.  相似文献   

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Education program plays an important part in transmitting public administration knowledge to future administrators. What constitutes the “core” knowledge is presumably determined by societal expectations. Using Public Administration education in Taiwan as an example, this study finds that there exists a “crisis of identity” which concerns the proper role of administrators -- generalists vs. specialists. Public Administration education program in Taiwan, oriented toward a liberal arts education, has failed, according to some, to provide well trained and qualified students for the public services. The current education programs have resulted in a disjointed process in which the diffusion of public administration knowledge is discontinuous.  相似文献   

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This essay focuses on the development of public official associations—those organizations that represent the interests of incumbent public officials in public affairs and their sense of the public interest—as a way to illustrate major issues of professionalism and intergovernmental management. Associations are seen as vehicles for linking an otherwise fragmented federal system and profession. Concentrating on the groups representing general government officials, efforts to make public official associations financially secure, intellectually stimulating, and influential in policy formulation will be reviewed from 1891 to 1940. An understanding of the history of Public Administration is incomplete without recognizing that the early development of the field was based on the logic of reform, a central feature of which was an alliance of nongovernmental associations dedicated to the public good.  相似文献   

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