共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Crime and fear of crime represent growing threats to quality of life which have many social, political and economic implications for society. Traditional law enforcement tactics to mitigate these threats have been ineffective in low-income communities and neighborhoods. This research examines a partnership between local government and a low-income, minority community which teamed community policing with a community-based organization for purposes of community development. The perceptions of three primary groups of stakeholders including youth, parents and community leaders are used to assess differences in perspective related to fear of crime. Findings indicate that community leaders involved with development efforts were much more likely to define crime and fear of crime as serious in comparison to citizens who live in crime-plagued communities. A relationship between adult and youth held fear suggests intergenerational transfer of fear of crime between adults and youth. Findings indicate progress addressing crime and fear of crime through a partnership with local government and community policing even though the community has not fully accepted the community-based organization as a vehicle for change. The preliminary results reported here suggest that community policing strategies may be useful for stabilizing the community and laying the foundation for community-based development. 相似文献
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Caroline Thomas 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(2):159-175
This article draws attention to the convergence of the global development and security agendas at the beginning of the new millennium. It explores the links between global governance, development and human security. It argues that material sufficiency lies at the core of human security. Hence, the problems of poverty and deepening inequality are central concerns, and the unfolding of these problems in the 1980s and 1990s is highlighted. During the closing decades of the 20th century, a neoliberal vision dominated the global development policy agenda, while these problems of inequality deepened. The policy was developed, championed and implemented by a range of global governance institutions, working through state governments. The idea and the institutions of global governance are examined critically, with a view to establishing in whose interest global governance and its associated development policies may be operating, and whether this is in support of human security. 相似文献
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Susan A. MacManus 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(5):1213-1240
The costs and benefits of government purchases of goods and services from businesses are examined from the perspective of both public and private sector officials. Generally, governments see more benefits than costs, often because of fiscal stress. Businesses, especially newer, smaller firms are more likely to see more costs than benefits. The article concludes with ten projections for changes in public procurement systems by the year 2000. These are: (1) expansion of current vendor pools; (2) intergovernmental adoption of standardized forms and procedures for getting and staying on government vendor lists; (3) mainstreaming of purchasing into the government financial management decision-making loop; (4) more rigorous training requirements for government purchasing personnel; (5) greater use of public-private task forces to reform procurement policies and practices; (6) greater use of surveys inside and outside government to identify specific problem areas and structure reforms; (7) expansion of the auditing and contract monitoring section of purchasing departments; (8) extension of bidding/contract monitoring and evaluation requirements and procedures to subcontractors of prime government contractors; (9) greater efforts to include quality dimensions in cost estimates; and (10) more tension and litigation over “protectionism” in public procurement. 相似文献
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Dyck CB 《Third world quarterly》2011,32(3):395-415
Growing enthusiasm for 'Sport for development and peace' (SDP) projects around the world has created a much greater interest among critical scholars seeking to interrogate potential gains, extant limitations and challenges of using sport to advance 'development' and 'peace' in Africa. Despite this interest, the role of sport in post-conflict peace building remains poorly understood. Since peace building, as a field of study, lends itself to practical approaches that seek to address underlying sources of violent conflict, it is surprising that it has neglected to take an interest in sport, especially its grassroots models. In Africa, football (soccer) in particular has a strong appeal because of its popularity and ability to mobilise individuals and communities. Through a case study on Sierra Leone, this paper focuses on sports in a particularly prominent post-civil war UN intervention—the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) process—to determine how ex-youth combatants, camp administrators and caregivers perceive the role and significance of sporting activities in interim care centres (ICCS) or DDR camps. It argues that sporting experiences in ddr processes are fruitful microcosms for understanding nuanced forms of violence and healing among youth combatants during their reintegration process. 相似文献
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Ahmet Içduygu 《Third world quarterly》2020,41(3):415-433
AbstractAlthough the Syrian conflict continues, local and global stakeholders have already begun to consider the return of the six million refugees, especially as neither the option of local integration in the countries of first asylum nor that of resettlement to third countries is seen as a realistic possibility. Elaborating on the return debates in Turkey, Lebanon and Jordan, we relate the politicisation of this question to the growing acceptance of the option of voluntary and involuntary repatriation in the international refugee regime as well as to policies and public opinion. We argue, based on empirical fieldwork, that any debate about the return of Syrian refugees is problematic, since the conditions of safety, voluntariness and sustainability are not fulfilled. Further, returns should not be left entirely to the individual hosting states and actors in the region but should be carried out in collaboration with representative authorities in Syria and the mediation of international organisations upon full resolution of conflict. 相似文献
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This analysis focuses on the discussion of whether (and how) national security and domestic policy-making processes are similar and/or different. Though many similarities are evident, it is the contention of this article that there are critical differences between national security and domestic policy-making that fundamentally affect the output from each of them. In addition, it is essential that public administrators develop a fuller understanding of national security policy-making processes since these processes do have theoretical, practical, and organizational impacts on institutional effectiveness, democratic processes, and governmental productivity. Let's remember that in the immediate post-Vietnam period many of us in the public management sectors--federal, state, and local-- dreamed of vast amounts of money being mainstreamed into the domestic coffers. Today that expectation is called the “peace dividend”. Little did we understand how much policy-making sophistication was embedded in the DOD. Therefore, as we move into the 1990s, this analysis reminds public administrators of their responsibilities to understand the national security arena in order to detect both the unique features as well as the broader generalizations attending this microcosm of public policy-making. All of us in public administration must make certain that this fertile laboratory of public policy is researched and investigated so as to ensure that the proper policy trade-offs are made in the 1990s. 相似文献
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Sultan Barakat 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(5):801-816
The current round of fighting in Afghanistan is only the latest twist in a protracted conflict in which the focus of the international community has tended to fluctuate, depending on prevailing geopolitical agendas. Now in its third decade, the war has resulted in massive population displacement, both internal and external, casualty figures in excess of one million, and a serious deterioration in conditions for the civilian population. This paper takes as its starting point the events of 11 September 2001, which led to the recent dramatic changes in Afghanistan, including the Emergency Loya Jirga and other constitutional developments envisaged in the Bonn Agreement. By way of essential background, the paper then offers a brief introduction to the country; it describes the way in which conflict began and traces the various different phases of the war from the late 1970s to the present day. In so doing, it seeks to outline the global and historical context of the current crisis in Afghanistan. It considers the challenges that need to be addressed in order to achieve effective post-conflict reconstruction and development. Finally, it offers a brief overview of current UN plans for Afghanistan's reconstruction and outlines a number of critical dilemmas facing those involved in their implementation. 相似文献
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Andrew Massey 《Public administration》2004,82(2):421-443
This paper explores the dynamics for changes to the machinery of government and public administration in the Bailiwicks of Jersey and Guernsey. Although constitutionally Crown possessions and under the jurisdiction of the UK, both territories are self-governing and are neither part of the UK nor the EU. Their importance as major offshore tax havens means that questions should be asked about their ability to effectively police the money that is invested through them, an issue that has acquired increased significance in the wake of recent terrorist events. Questions of financial probity inevitably lead to questions about governance and governmental efficiency and effectiveness. This paper explores the Bailiwicks' reactions to this within the theoretical context of the differentiated polity and the modernizing government and new public management agenda. The paper suggests the unique and entrenched political culture of the Bailiwicks is resistant to change but will embrace it if that change ensures the continuance of their autonomy, within the context of being Crown possessions. 相似文献
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This article reviews the growing literature on financial reform in developing countries. We draw both on the theoretical contributions outlining the case for and against liberalisation as well as on the experience of many developing countries with liberalisation. We argue that the existence of market failures in financial markets hampers the liberalisation process and indeed suggests that the simple liberalising strategy envisaged in much of the literature is inappropriate. We argue instead for an alternative strategy which integrates some aspects of liberalisation with the development of appropriate financial institutions designed to serve best the needs of the real economy. 相似文献