Ministers and Top Officials in the Dutch Core Executive: Living Together,Growing Apart?

This paper reports the results of a comprehensive, qualitative (100 interviews; 9 interactive workshops) study among Dutch ministers and top departmental officials. Its key question is how both groups conceive of their respective roles and working relationships. This question became a high‐profile issue in the late 1990s after a series of overt clashes between senior political and bureaucratic executives. To what extent does the old, Weberian set of norms and expectations concerning the interaction between politics and bureaucracy still govern the theories and interaction patterns in use among ministers and top officials within the core executive? What new role conceptions are in evidence, and how can we explain their occurrence and diffusion in the Dutch core executive?     

The leadership environment of public sector executives

Olshfski uses critical incident methodology to describe the leadership environment of state cabinet officials. The rich data set offers insight into how state executives (1) learn about their jobs, (2) exercise discretion to determine their policy agenda, and (3) operate in the political environment of state administration. She concludes by pointing out discrepancies in our understanding of leadership and offers suggestions for leadership, research, and teaching.

Somerset Maugham is said to have begun all his lectures by saying there are only three things that one must know in order to be a good writer: the only problem being that no one knows what those three things are. The same might be said of leadership research. For example, Stogdill's survey of leadership research contains over 3,000 references and Bass's revision documents over 5,000 references.⁽¹⁾ The preface to Stogdill's survey assesses the status of leadership research: “four decades of research on leadership have produced a bewildering mass of findings…. The endless accumulation of empirical data has not produced an integrated understanding of leadership. “⁽²⁾ A more pithy evaluation is offered by Bennis and Nanus, “never have so many labored so long to say so little.”⁽³⁾ Yet, most people still vigorously believe in the importance of the leader and leadership research.⁽⁴⁾

Recognizing the confusion in the field of leadership research, this study attempts to describe the context within which public executives operate. It is assumed that the executive's operating environment determines the extent to which leadership is possible. Critical incident methodology is used to illustrate how public sector executives conceptualize their environment and how they operate based on that conceptualization. This research is driven by two questions: What is the leadership environment of the state cabinet executive? Secondly, how does the leadership literature facilitate the understanding and interpretation of executive leadership in the public sector?     

Hong kong public administration under stress: the significance and implications of management paradoxes

The purpose of this study is to identify the major obstacles to administrative reform in Hong Kong so as to generate a basis for addressing one critical question, “what is to be done to ensure the occurrence of effective reform?” Based on 35 interviews with 48 public executives, this researcher finds that there are various paradoxical forces acting in concert in their impacts upon the bureaucracy, that public executives are unable to cope with those forces, and that unless those paradoxes are effectively managed, administrators' ability to act (or to undertake reform measures) is seemingly very limited. Policy and research implications are discussed.     

Maybe Wilson Was Right: Espoused Values and Their Relationship to Enacted Values

Public administration scholars have little understanding of the operation of values within public sector organizations. Because the institutional values literature suggests that behavior consistent with American values by public organizations and officials can make a difference in successful policy outcomes, this research focuses on identifying the espoused and enacted value perspectives for two sets of U. S. government officials, presidents and senior executives. Through a content analysis of agency mission statements and speeches of Presidents Bush, Clinton and Bush, a subject matter analysis of executive orders, and a survey of senior executives, the following information is identified: The three presidents espouse the same set of values (i.e., ethics, performance, and support) in their speeches, but enact only one common value (i.e., commitment) in their executive orders. Although not statistically significant, two (i.e., performance and ethics) of the three top values in the agency mission statements are consistent with the values of the presidents. Senior executive perceptions of the most important values (i.e., authority, reward, and support) differ from the presidents. This unexpected difference lends support to Woodrow Wilson’s politics/administration dichotomy in that senior executives focus on values that address policy implementation while presidents focus on values related to politics.     

T. H. GREEN AND THE ETHICS OF SENIOR OFFICIALS IN BRITISH CENTRAL GOVERNMENT

This article is an attempt to move away from microeconomics in the study of administration and to concentrate on British administrative ethics from a philosophical perspective. Thus, ethics is used here not in the sense of the ethics of managers dealing with accounts but as the ‘science’ of ranking moral values. The intention of the article is to examine how political theory can be used to help illustrate the dilemmas of public servants working in a climate which is distinctly hostile to disinterested ideals. The ideas of T. H. Green, the English Idealist philosopher who contributed so much to our understanding of public service, form the basis of the theoretical discussion, and the work of senior officials in Whitehall is the material used for illustrative purposes. Where do the loyalties of civil servants lie? What are their duties and responsibilities to ministers? To whom, for what, and how are civil servants accountable?     

The distribution of power from government-by -area to government-by -bureau

This essay is concerned with the shift in the distribution of power - from areal functional agencies - and the impact on decision-making. The principal approaches to the issue of the distribution of power among national ministries, regional agencies, and local units may be viewed in a spectrum ranging from a functional to an areal emphasis. Four major patterns among present day governments may be discerned based on their use of a coordinating ministry, a regional executive, and the local chief executive. Prototypes are the Federal Republic of Germany (modified government-by-aea), adn the United Kingdom (government-by-bureau). The shift affects not only the environment in which decisions are made but also what type of officials make decisions, where decisions are made, and what kind of decisions are made.     

Dangerous collusion: corruption as a collective venture in contemporary China

Echoing changing social environments, corruption has grown in sophistication and complexity. This paper focuses on the phenomenon of collective corruption. Collective corruption, a distinctive form of social interaction among people dominated by individual calculations and unorganized interests, takes place when collaboration becomes a powerful, necessary weapon in pursuing private gains. The danger of collusion in corrupt ventures is that as corruption gets well planned and skillfully coordinated in its collective form, it may become less forthright and therefore more difficult to detect, or more overt and increasingly legitimized as an appropriate form of economic intercourse.The term corruption tends to carry with it an image of secrecy and furtiveness that entails the involvement of the least possible number of individuals. Corruption, on the whole, is a clandestine exchange due to its illegal nature. Corruption takes place, for example, when a financial officer embezzles public funds for personal use, a school principal arranges “back-door” admissions for his relatives or friends, or a government official accepts bribes from his subordinates in exchange for favourable treatment. These practices are either conducted by a single person who seeks to enrich him/herself in an individualized manner or occur between two parties where a patron (usually an official) grants his/her client (whoever is willing and able to pay for it) desired preferential treatment in exchange for goods or services.Corruption, in reality, is more complex than its heuristically useful definition. Echoing changing social environments, corruption grows in sophistication and complexity in terms of causes, forms and characteristics. This paper studies the phenomenon of “collective corruption”, a concept derived from the author’s research in China where recent corruption cases show an alarming tendency for party and government officials to collude with each other, as well as with people outside the government, on a massively corrupt scale. The following are just a few examples of this kind of “dangerous collusion”:

• •In Hebei province, a collective embezzlement case involved at least seven high-ranking government officials, including the province’s executive deputy governor, bureau chief of transportation, director of the taxation department, and the party secretary of a major city.¹
• •A startling bribery case concerning the Minjiang Engineering Bureau of Fujian Province implicated 70% of its bureau-level officials, including the two most senior ones—the bureau director and the party chief.²
• •More than twenty bureau and departmental chiefs were involved in a case of land leasing fraud. Each of them accepted bribes of at least hundreds of thousands RMB.³
• •When a major corruption case of the East China Aviation Management Bureau was disclosed, seven section directors and one deputy bureau chief were found involved.⁴
• •More than a dozen officials at the Public Security Bureau in Qinghai Province were found guilty of corruption, including the bureau chief, deputy chief, deputy director of the province’s legal affairs office, and deputy general manager of a company affiliated with the bureau.⁵

These cases, and many more like them, testify to the fact that corruption in many instances takes the form of a collective undertaking. Why do people act collectively rather than singly in what is supposedly a secret exchange? How do they come to transcend or bypass institutional and legal boundaries in their collusion? To what extent does the collectivization of corruption alter the forms and characteristics of corruption, if not its very nature? What impact does collective corruption have on the overall efforts to curb corruption? This article tries to provide answers to these questions. It treats collective corruption as a distinctive form of social interaction among people dominated by individual calculations and a pursuit of personal interests. It extends the analysis of collective behavior to corruption and argues that an aggregation of individual pursuits of self-interest can yield similar claims and behavior patterns. Collective corruption serves as a good case to study how unorganized interests generate collective behavior and how collaboration becomes a powerful weapon in seeking private gains.This article opens with a definition of collective corruption. It then discusses the socio-economic and psychological roots of collective corruption and offers interpretative remarks on how and why collective corruption rapidly spreads in China. In so doing, it portrays the characteristics of collective corruption as a distinctive form of collective behavior. The findings of this article illustrate how corruption is evolving as its actors, forms, and characteristics actively respond to social and economic changes, especially under the construct of a hybrid of state socialism and capitalism in today’s China.     

Lebanese Christians'Attitudes Toward Israel and the Peace Process

The objectives of this article were (1) to examine what Lebanese Christians think about peace with the Jewish state, not what their officials say about it; (2) to determine whether Lebanese Christians have a distinct position that separates them from their Muslim counterparts vis-à-vis the peace process and normalization of relations with Israel. The findings revealed that Lebanese Christians accept different forms of interaction with Israelis. However, most respondents support peace with Israel, clearly oppose the idea of confrontation with the Jewish state, and call for a unilateral peace treaty with their southern neighbor. Most Lebanese Christians view peace as a major reshuffling force capable of restoring their lost politcal role in the country.     

Reconciling public administration and democracy: the role of the responsible administrator

This article considers whether the individual responsibilities of bureaucratic officials provide a useful means for reconciling the tension between democracy and bureaucracy. Three questions central to the proper definition of bureaucratic responsibility are examined: (1) What is the relation of bureaucratic responsibility to the view that proper bureaucratic conduct is essentially a matter of ethics and morality? (2) If the appeal to moral values does not ordinarily offer an acceptable guide to proper bureaucratic conduct, upon what principles does a theory of bureaucratic responsibility rest? (3) What issues arise in putting responsibility into practice within a complex organizational setting? The article concludes that a democratic, process-based conception offers the most useful way of thinking about the responsibilities of bureaucratic officials.

The tension between democracy and bureaucracy has bedeviled public administration. However one defines democracy, its core demand for responsiveness (to higher political authorities, the public, client groups, or whatever the presumed agent of democratic rule) does not neatly square with notions of effective organization of the policy process and efficient delivery of goods and services, which are central to the definition of bureaucracy. Responsiveness need not guarantee efficiency, while bureaucratic effectiveness and efficiency often belie democratic control.

This tension between democracy and bureaucracy persists, but that it is the individual administrator who directly experiences the tension is especially important as a guide toward a resolution of this conflict. Since divergence is central to this tension between democracy and bureaucracy, speculation about the responsibilities of bureaucratic officials—their individual places within the bureaucracy, particularly the administrator's thoughts, choices, and actions—provides fruitful terrain for resolving the question of bureaucracy's place within a democratic system of rule.

Three questions need to be addressed if one accepts the premise that individual responsibility is central to locating the place of bureaucracy in a democratic order. First, what is unique about bureaucratic responsibility, especially in contrast to the view that these are largely ethical problems that can be resolved by appeal to moral values? Second, if dilemmas of bureaucratic conduct are by and large not resolvable through appeal to moral values, upon what other principles does a theory of bureaucratic responsibility rest? Third, what issues arise in putting responsibility into practice, especially within a complex organizational setting? This list of questions is not meant to be exhaustive but only a starting point for discussion.     

The county perspective on intergovernmental relations and government capacity

This analysis examines the issues of state and federal responsiveness and state and local government capacity from the perspective of county officials. Using data from a national survey of county administrators, elected executives, and commission chairpersons, the study finds that county officials are: (1) very confident of their own capacities to respond to local problems, but not as confident of local fiscal capacities; (2) very concerned about the responsiveness of state governments, particularly state legislatures, to local needs; and (3) not confident of the responsiveness of federal government to local needs either, but desirous of federal fiscal support. The assessments of state responsiveness appear related to state efforts to expand the policy making, taxing, and borrowing authority of their county governments.     

Terrorists,Insurgents, and Criminals—Growing Nexus?

Using Iraq and Afghanistan as case studies, this article explores several critical questions. First, what is the scope of the relationship among criminal organizations, terrorists, and insurgents? The analysis is drawn from theoretical approaches but also relies on government studies and open source reports. Second, how has the transitional period between post-conflict and reconstruction/nation-building created fertile ground for strengthening the criminal–terrorist–insurgent continuum? This is a particularly important issue as the Bush administration engages international organizations. Lastly, what can the United States and its Coalition allies do to mitigate the security challenges presented by the criminal–terrorist–insurgent problem in the these two countries?     

Neoliberal governing through social enterprise: Exploring the neglected roles of deviance and ignorance in public value creation

This article makes a case for paying greater attention to how informal relationships between government officials and civil society practitioners impact processes of public value creation. Drawing on data from a five‐year qualitative longitudinal study, we illuminate how civil society practitioners deviate from the formal objectives of social enterprise policies in order to create what they see as having public value. Through a process of theory elaboration, we demonstrate how government officials’ wilful ignorance of, or informal collaboration in, such deviance, precipitates forms of public value that are consistent with wider political objectives. Our analysis adds nuance and granularity to the debate on public value by drawing attention to the arcane ways it may be informally negotiated and created outside of the public sphere. This opens up new empirical and theoretical opportunities for understanding how deviance and ignorance might be symbiotically related in processes of public value creation.”     

Health care for the poor.

In the 1980s the convergence of a number of factors is causing government at all levels, industry, and labor to plan or initiate major reductions in health spending. Important among these are rising health care costs, a troubled national economy, mounting federal deficits and state revenue shortfalls, and the philosophical course and domestic policy of the Reagan administration. In this context government has been rethinking its capacity to finance health services for the poor, and new and sometimes controversial arrangements for delivering these services are being developed. The dilemma government officials face now is how to cut costs while still assuring that quality medical services are available. This article focuses on what these new policy developments and arrangements are and whether the significant gains in access and in health achieved over the past 20 years will be sustained. Because truly sweeping reforms are unlikely, whether government will maintain earlier commitments and established arrangements for financing and delivering health services to the poor will be worked out piecemeal over the next several years.     

Human rights and Nubian mobilisation in Egypt: towards recognition of indigeneity

How are global human rights localised in authoritarian societies? How and what human rights discourses are mobilised by indigenous peoples to further their demands? Building upon original fieldwork among Nubian activists in Egypt, this article explores the complexities regarding human rights framing through a discussion of recognition of Nubian indigeneity. The article finds that the history and political experience of Egypt’s Nubians bring about diverging opinions and also limitations as to how, and what, human rights frameworks rights claimants and their supporters are to employ. It argues that Egyptian nationalism not only affects how Nubian activists mobilise in general, but also helps explain the very limited appeals to a global discourse of human rights.     

Public executives: Actualization and conflict approaches

This study represents a test of Maslow's hypotheses that the management styles of self-actualized executives differ from those of less-actualized executives. The sample was drawn from among executives of seven state governments. The correlation of levels of actualization and executive behavior revealed that the more self-actualized executives were more willing to actively lobby for their decisional preferences than to simply accept decisions from superiors.     

COUNCILLORS’ RECEIPT AND USE OF CITIZEN INPUT: EXPERIENCE FROM NORWEGIAN LOCAL GOVERNMENT

The article expands citizen participation research by tackling participation from the viewpoint of elected officials – the recipients of citizen input. The article studies the role citizen input plays in elected officials’ decision making. Citizen input is defined as information elected officials obtain through direct contact with citizens and representatives of local associations. Using survey data from Norwegian local government, the article assesses how much citizen input councillors receive, and to what extent they use it to set local agendas. It is demonstrated that Norwegian councillors have a high degree of exposure to citizen input and that citizen input constitutes most councillors’ primary source of agenda‐setting inspiration. The article also examines differences in the extent to which councillors use citizen input, and draws on existing theoretical and empirical research to discuss how these differences can be explained. For example, findings that local government frontbenchers and highly educated councillors consider citizen input less useful than others do are explained by an analytical perspective emphasizing councillors’ varied needs for such information.     

Department executives in the states: An examination of differences based on selection and work experience

State level department executives have an extraordinary influence over policy in their departments. Yet these executives receive neither public nor research attention in proportion to their importance in directing state policy. This study, based on a survey and resumes from state executives in all 50 states, examines the individual characteristics and professional experiences of state executives. The study found significant differences between elected and appointed executives. Also, most of the appointed department heads had experience in substantive area of the department. State government or partisan political experience was less common among the appointed executives. Finally, the professional experience of executives varied among the departments.     

Performance Evaluation of Regional Governors: The Case of the Russian Federation

ABSTRACT

This study examines recent changes in performance-based appraisals of Russian regional governors, key criteria used in the decision-making process regarding the reappointment or dismissal of top regional executives, the role of non-governmental organizations in their performance evaluations, and existing problems in this area. Moreover, the study explores the extent to which values such as equity, social justice, and quality of life are embodied in the performance evaluations of these officials.     

Notes on contributors

‘Women's empowerment’, as used by international development organisations, is a fuzzy concept. Historical textual analysis and interviews with officials in development agencies reveal its adaptability and capacity to carry multiple meanings that variously wax and wane in their discursive influence. Today a privileging of instrumentalist meanings of empowerment associated with efficiency and growth are crowding out more socially transformative meanings associated with rights and collective action. In their efforts to make headway in what has become an unfavourable policy environment, officials in development agencies with a commitment to a broader social change agenda juggle these different meanings, strategically exploiting the concept's polysemic nature to keep that agenda alive. We argue for a politics of solidarity between such officials and feminist activists. We encourage the latter to challenge the prevailing instrumentalist discourse of empowerment with a clear, well articulated call for social transformation, while alerting them to how those with the same agenda within international development agencies may well be choosing their words with care, even if what they say appears fuzzy.