Participatory development,complicity and desire

Abstract

This article is an attempt at rethinking participatory development (pd) in terms of empire, undertaking a postcolonial and psychoanalytic reading. Postcolonialism helps point out that our discursive constructions of the Third World say more about us than the Third World; while psychoanalysis helps uncover the desires we invest in the Other. Thus, to the question, ‘why do neo-imperial and inegalitarian relationships pervade pd?’, the article answers, ‘because even as pd promotes the Other's empowerment, it hinges crucially on our complicity and desire’; and ‘because disavowing such complicity and desire is a technology of power’. The argument, in other words, is that complicity and desire are written into pd, making it prone to an exclusionary, Western-centric and inegalitarian politics. The article concludes with possibilities for confronting our complicities and desires through pd's radicalisation.     

American empire and ‘excluded states’: the millennium challenge account and the shift to pre-emptive development

In March 2002 President George W Bush announced the creation of what many insiders have heralded as a revolutionary development initiative: the Millennium Challenge Account (mca). The latter seeks to provide assistance to 79 of the world's poorest countries—many of which have been often equated with the term ‘failed states’—so that they may reap the benefits of neoliberal-led globalisation. One of the most novel, and coercive, features of this development compact is the ‘pre-emptive’ method in which it will administer aid. Under the mca, only countries that govern justly, invest in their people, and open their economies to foreign enterprise and entrepreneurship will qualify for funding. To this end the Bush administration has devised 16 eligibility criteria—ranging from civil liberties to ‘days to start a business’—that each country must successfully pass before receiving aid. Despite its impact on normalising, and thus legitimating, the tendency towards the privatisation of aid and militarisation of development, there has been very little critical work on the mca. This paper sets out to fill this gap in the literature by attempting to understand historically the mca as a moment of American empire.1 This article builds on the wider arguments developed in my forthcoming book, Contesting Global Governance: Empire, Class, and the New Common Sense in Managing Globalisation, London: Pluto Press. View all notes In doing so, I suggest that, while the form of the mca represents an unabashed articulation of US-led imperialism vis-a`-vis the poorest regions in the South, the content of this allegedly novel strategy reflects the same goals and interests that underlie the neoliberal agenda, namely, that the path to increased growth and prosperity lies in countries' willingness and ability to adopt policies that promote economic freedom and the rule of law.     

The Asian Development Bank and Developmental Regionalism in East Asia

The Asian Development Bank (adb) has made increasingly important contributions to Asia's (and particularly East Asia's) regionalism over recent years, and especially since Haruhiko Kuroda became the Bank's president in February 2005. This paper argues that the adb's role here has become more significant because of the strong ‘developmental’ characteristics of East Asia's new regionalism. This is not least because, as a regional development bank, the adb has a predilection for linking development, regionalism and capacity-building together when promoting regional co-operation and integration (rci) in Asia. We may refer to this as ‘developmental regionalism’, where rci activities are particularly orientated to enhancing the economic capacity and prospects of less developed countries with the view of strengthening their integration into the regional economy, and thereby bringing greater coherence to regional community building overall. This analysis is partly based on field research undertaken by the author involving a series of research interviews conducted amongst adb officials and with outside analysts of the organisation. It first examines the evolution of the Bank's stance and policies on rci, and the impact made by President Kuroda and the newly formed Office of Regional Integration (orei) in this regard. The main developments of East Asia's new regionalism are then outlined from finance and trade perspectives. Thereafter, an evaluation is made of the adb's contributions toward the emerging developmental regionalism in East Asia.     

Professionals and Shifts in Governance

The position of professionals in public services is affected directly by public management reforms. This article systematically links different types of governance to professionalism, using Osborne's (2010 Osborne, S.P. 2010. The new public governance, London: Routledge. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]) distinction between Public Administration, New Public Management and New Public Governance. In the development of professionalism in the context of public management, one can observe an increasing fragmentation of sources of legitimacy, an accumulation of different professional requirements and a growing difficulty to distinguish professionals and non-professionals.     

When ‘development’ devastates: donor discourses,access to hiv/aids treatment in Africa and rethinking the landscape of development

If globalisation is the mighty tremor shaking the landscape of the ‘project of development’, then, in certain regions of the world, hiv/aids is surely its epicentre. Nonetheless, for all the burden of the disease, Western donor policy on hiv/aids still remains largely silent about the provision of anti-retroviral treatment. This paper seeks explanations for this pervasive medical neglect and donor preference for prevention programmes over treatment. The postcolonial approach taken in the paper is to regard donor policy on hiv/aids—as illustrated by the UK's Department for International Development and the Norwegian Agency for Development Co-operation—as cultural and political exchanges framed by prevailing representations of Africa. The different ‘logics’ which skew policies towards prevention are identified. For donors and African states alike, hiv/aids policies—like development interventions more generally—would benefit immensely by foregrounding the human right to health, including, critically, promoting treatment within a genuine ‘prevention–care–treatment’ policy continuum.     

Evaluating participatory development: tyranny,power and (re)politicisation

Ever since participation entered mainstream development discourse, critics have attacked it as form of political control. If development is indeed an ‘anti‐politics machine’ ( Ferguson, 1994 Ferguson J (1994) The Anti‐politics Machine: ‘Development’, Depoliticization, and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press)  [Google Scholar] ), the claim is that participation provides a remarkably efficient means of greasing its wheels. But do participatory practices and discourse necessarily represent the de‐politicisation of development? This paper aims to provide an answer in two distinct ways. First, it examines the ‘de‐politicisation’ critique, arguing that, while participation may indeed be a form of ‘subjection’, its consequences are not predetermined and its subjects are never completely controlled. Second, it investigates participatory development's ability to open up new spaces for political action, arguing that celebrations of ‘individual liberation’ and critiques of ‘subjection to the system’ both over‐simplify participation's power effects. To re‐politicise participation, empowerment must be re‐imagined as an open‐end and ongoing process of engagement with political struggles at a range of spatial scales.     

Sonic diaspora,vibrations, and rhythm: thinking through the sounding of the Jamaican dancehall session

Abstract

The propagation of vibrations may provide a better way of understanding the spread of diasporas than the conventional focus on the circulation of products (Hall 1980 Hall, S. 1980. “Encoding/decoding”. In Culture, media, language, Edited by: Hall, S., Hanson, D., Lowe, A. and Willis, P. 122–127. London: Unwin Hyman in association with the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies.  [Google Scholar], Appadurai 1986 Appadurai , A. 1986 . The social life of things: commodities in cultural perspective . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press .[Crossref] , [Google Scholar], 1996 Appadurai, A. 1996. Modernity at large: cultural dimensions of globalization, Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.  [Google Scholar], Gilroy 1993a Gilroy, P. 1993a. The black Atlantic: modernity and double consciousness, London: Verso.  [Google Scholar], Brah 1996 Brah, A. 1996. Cartographies of diaspora: contesting identities, London: Routledge.  [Google Scholar]). Jamaican sound systems operate as a broadcast medium and a source of CDs, DVDs, and other commercial products (Henriques 2007a Henriques, J. 2007a. “The Jamaican dancehall sound system as a commercial and social apparatus”. In Sonic synergies: music, identity, technology and community, Edited by: Bloustein, G., Peters, M. and Luckman, S. 133–146. London: Ashgate.  [Google Scholar]). But the dancehall sound system session also propagates a broad spectrum of frequencies diffused through a range of media and activities – described as ‘sounding’ (following Small's 1998 concept of ‘musicking’). These include the material vibrations of the signature low-pitched auditory frequencies of Reggae as a bass culture (Johnson 1980 Johnson, L.K. 1980. Bass culture, [LP] London: Island Records.  [Google Scholar]), at the loudness of ‘sonic dominance’ (Henriques 2003 Henriques, J. 2003. “Sonic dominance and the reggae sound system”. In Auditory culture, Edited by: Bull, M. and Back, L. 451–480. Oxford: Berg.  [Google Scholar]). Secondly a session propagates the corporeal vibrations of rituals, dance routines, and bass-line ‘riddims’ (Veal 2007 Veal, M. 2007. Dub: songscapes and shattered Songs in Jamaican reggae, Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press.  [Google Scholar]). Thirdly it propagates the ethereal vibrations (Henriques 2007b Henriques, J. 2007b. “Situating sound: the space and time of the dancehall session”. In Thamyris/intersecting: place, sex and race, Edited by: Marijke, J. and Mieskowski, S. 287–309. Sonic interventions.  [Google Scholar]), ‘vibes’ or atmosphere of the sexually charged popular subculture by which the crowd (audience) appreciate each dancehall session as part of the Dancehall scene (Cooper 2004 Cooper, C. 2004. Sound clash: Jamaican dancehall culture at large, New York: Palgrave. [Crossref] , [Google Scholar]). The paper concludes that thinking though vibrating frequencies makes it easier to appreciate how audiences with no direct or inherited connection with a particular music genre can be energetically infected and affected – to form a sonic diaspora.     

Mediating international and domestic demands: mnemonic battles surrounding the monument to the fallen of the wars of the 1990s in Belgrade

In this article I present a decade-long affair over the erection of the Monument in Belgrade to those killed in the wars of the 1990s where the official Serbian policy was to manage its contested past through cover ups and cultural reframing rather than public acknowledgement. I demonstrate here that, though the open competitions to erect a monument dedicated to the fallen¹1. This was the most contested issue and was changed in every open competition formulation.View all notes of the wars of the 1990s were an opportunity to negotiate different mnemonic agendas, the ruling political elite, as the dominant actor, promoted Serbian victimhood as it meant to bridge gaps in the opposing domestic and international demands. I suggest here that the mnemonic battle in present-day Serbia proves to be an exemplary case of how a post-conflict nation state mediates its contested past when caught in the gap between the domestic demands and those of international relations.     

Stalin and the Soviet famine of 1932 – 33 Revisited

This article contributes to the debate about the role of Stalin in the Soviet famine of 1932 – 33. It provides data on Stalin's statements and actions in 1932 – 33, judicial and extra-judicial repression, and the process by which the 1933 deportation targets were drastically reduced. It is suggested that starvation was a cheap substitute for the cancelled deportations. It is argued that in 1932 – 33 Stalin pursued a multi-pronged policy of state terror against the population of the USSR. Some general issues of interpretation are also considered, such as Bolshevik perceptions, the characterisation of Soviet industrialisation, and approaches to Soviet history. Extensive attention is given to the classification of Stalin's actions according to national and international criminal law. In particular, the question of whether or not in 1932 – 33 the Ukrainian people were victims of genocide, is analysed.

Attentively studying the author's text, not only do [specialists] not stint their compliments, but they also make some critical remarks. Because (is it necessary to prove the obvious?) any really good book invites discussion (Ivanov 2006 Ivanov, P. 2006. Book review in Svobodnaya mysl'-XXI 1–2.  [Google Scholar], p. 120).

The Stalinist leadership was only able to retain power then [in 1932] by using the most savage repression (Khlevnyuk 1992 Khlevnyuk, O. V. 1992. 1937-i: Stalin, NKVD i sovetskoe obshchestvo, Moscow: Respublika.  [Google Scholar], p. 11).     

Hymns (Nasheeds): A Contribution to the Study of the Jihadist Culture

This article deals with militant Islamist hymns (anasheed jihadiya; in the following simply referred to as nasheeds) as an expression of jihadist culture. In this context jihadism is regarded as a militant fraction within the Salafi movement, with which it shares goals but not means. ¹ 1. Roel Meijer, ed., Global Salafism. Islam's New Religious Movement (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), pp. 24–27; Jarret Brachman, Global Jihadism—Theory and Practice (London and New York: Routledge, 2009), p. 11 f; Quintan Wiktorowicz, “Anatomy of the Salafi Movement,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 29(3) (2006), pp. 207–239. The jihadist culture as a tool to create a common jihadist identity and to mobilize new recruits is probably as important as its ideology is. In 2004 Marc Sageman made the following remarks in his book Understanding Terror Networks: “… social bonds play a more important role in the emergence of the global Salafi jihad than ideology.” ² 2. Marc Sageman, Understanding Terror Networks (Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press, 2004), p. 178. The history of nasheeds will be traced back as well as an analysis of its contents and usage will be given.     

Mass terror and the court: The Military Collegium of the USSR

Apart from its role in the Moscow show trials during 1936 – 38, the Military Collegium of the USSR Supreme Court under V.V. Ul'rikh also tried some 40,000 ‘enemies of the people’ behind closed doors, sentencing most of them to death. These pseudo-trials of no more than a few minutes took place in prisons or NKVD offices in Moscow or (through the Collegium's assizes) provincial centres. There was no serious investigation of the evidence, and the court turned a blind eye to apparent cases of torture. The judges personally attended executions, occasionally even participating in them. The punishments had been determined beforehand by the political leadership under Stalin by way of lists, with the Military Collegium only ‘legalising’ the sentences. The defendants originated from the Soviet elite. The aim of this article is to throw more light on this side of the Collegium's activities, mainly based on archival sources. The article suggests that this quasi-legal procedure was adopted by the leadership under Stalin, in preference to purely administrative measures, because it was considered to be less likely to endanger the elite's loyalty.

We did not break the law, did not sign just like that. These are lies. Ul'rikh gave reports. There was a court, an indictment, there were sentences: everything as it should be, everything according to the law (Lazar' Kaganovich interviewed by G.A. Kumanev in Kumanev 1999 Kumanev, G. A. 1999. ‘Dve besedy s L.M. Kaganovichem’. Novaya i noveishaya istoriya, 2: 101–122.  [Google Scholar], p. 116).     

Caught Between Agendas: GPRA,Devolution, and Politics

Abstract

Despite the optimism that has surrounded the performance movement, there are signals that these expectations are not easy to achieve. This paper focuses on performance activities within the federal government and the accountability concerns that have been attached to the federal‐level Government Performance and Results Act (GPRA). It highlights the special problems that are raised in an environment in which federal programs are devolved to state and local government. It reviews the context from which this reform effort has emerged, the constraints surrounding it, highlights several problems in federal performance activities, and suggests an alternative approach to performance instead of GPRA.1–3 Radin, B. A. 2000. The Government performance and results act (GPRA) and the tradition of federal management reform: square pegs in round holes?. J. Publ. Adm. Res. Theor., 1: 111–135. Radin, B. A. 2000. Intergovernmental relationships and the federal performance movement, PUBLIUS. The Journal of Federalism, 30 Radin, B. A. 1998. The Government performance and results act (GPRA): hydra‐headed monster or effective policy tool?. Public Admin. Rev., 58(4): 1–10.       

Child Welfare's Iron Cage: Managing Performance in New Zealand's Child Welfare Agency

The purpose of this article is to explain the performance management practice in use within one of New Zealand's public service agencies—Child, Youth and Family Services. These practices are described with reference to New Zealand's formal model of public sector management and the professional social work model understood by the majority of the agency's staff. The article draws on recent research into performance management practices in nine of New Zealand's public service agencies that included Child, Youth and Family Services. This involved a number of semi-structured interviews with managers and staff from the national, regional, and local levels of each agency together with a review of relevant documentation.

It is argued that performance management practices exist on a continuum representing the “rationality of control” which extends from a regulative control model of rules and fixed targets to one that is more reliant on shared understandings, learning, and flexible targets. It is further suggested that the institutional structures underlying this continuum determines the extent to which performance management practices within individual agencies are loosely coupled with those used for purposes of external accountability.

The article highlights the tension that exists in an organization that encompasses the substantive logic of “a values-based profession” (Ronnau, 2001 Ronnau, J. P. 2001. “Values and ethics for family-centered practice”. In Balancing family-centered services and child well-being: Exploring issues in policy, practice theory, and research, Edited by: Walton, E., Sandau-Beckler, P. and Mannes, M. 34–54. New York: Columbia University Press.  [Google Scholar]) but which is bound by the formal, instrumental rationality implicit in its system of external accountability that, it has been claimed, “reduces a complex reality to something simplistic and one dimensional” (Tilbury, 2004 Tilbury, C. 2004. The influence of performance measurement on child welfare policy and practice. British Journal of Social Work, 34: 225–241. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]). It, therefore, argues that the formal model of performance measurement and management of the public service should encompass the broader information and rationality used by managers within public service agencies.     

Globalisation with Growth and Equity: can we really have it all?

The purpose of US foreign assistance has shifted in the wake of 2001, and Washington has resurrected practices previously associated with police aid during the Cold War. In particular, the Bush administration has broadened the remit of the United States Agency for International Development (usaid) in such a way as to make it a quasi-security agency. The consequences of this could be significant for both usaid and democratic-style police assistance programmes more generally, for today's threat-driven policies are part of a trend which in the past has had worrying consequences. Using the critical variable of public policing (which is illustrated by reference to developments in Kenya), I argue that using usaid to improve the counter-terrorist capacity of Africa's police in the pursuit of US national security objectives is a seriously flawed strategy.     

Government,Effectiveness, Performance,and Local Property Values

Abstract

We offer a practical measure of local government effectiveness in the provision of public services relating service expenditures to aggregate property value. Building on the work of Brueckner (1979 Brueckner, J. K. 1979. Property values, local public expenditure, and economic efficiency. Journal of Public Economics, 11: 223–246.  [Google Scholar], 1982 Brueckner, J. K. 1982. A test for allocative efficiency in the local public sector. Journal of Public Economics, 19: 311–331. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar], 1983 Brueckner, J. K. 1983. Property value maximization and public sector efficiency. Journal of Urban Economics., 14: 1–16.  [Google Scholar]) and Henderson (1990, 1995) we present an aggregate property value maximization model where levels of local public services are capitalized into aggregate property values. Using data for Wisconsin municipalities we demonstrate that service expenditure levels, and simultaneously corresponding taxation levels, are suboptimal and should be increased. The aggregate property value maximization test suggests that local public services in Wisconsin are consistently under-provided. By monitoring local property values officials can objectively measure if public services are being provided in an optimal manner.     

Building and supporting prsps in africa: what has worked well so far? what needs changing?

The Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (prsp) initiative came out of the 1999 Cologne annual meeting of the G-7 governments, when the leaders of the industrialised countries announced the Enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative (hipc II). 1 1 Report of the G-7 Finance Ministers on the Cologne Debt Initiative to the Cologne Economic Summit, Cologne, 18–20 June 1999, at http://www.g8cologne.de/06/00114/index.html. View all notes The joint Boards of the imf and the World Bank officially approved the prsp in December 1999 as a new approach to the challenge of reducing poverty in low-income countries and as a framework for development assistance. The prsp approach is supposed to represent a major departure from previous development strategies whereby the World Bank and the imf dictated the directions of economic policies in poor countries. Implementation of the prsp approach is now in its sixth year and the purpose of this article is to critically examine the challenges that African governments are confronted with in preparing and implementing credible, nationally owned poverty reduction strategy plans. The article further examines the degree to which the prsp approach has transformed donor–recipient country relations, thus allowing African governments the policy space to develop home-grown policies.     

How to Counter Radical Narratives: Dutch Deradicalization Policy in the Case of Moluccan and Islamic Radicals

This article deals with the role of government in encouraging the decline of radical movements. The question posed is: “Which story can the government tell to encourage the decline of radical groups and the disengagement of their members?” The article makes use of the survey of factors promoting decline and disengagement drawn up by Demant, Slootman, Buijs (? ^?Deceased. ) and Tillie in 2008, as well as the factor “official policy strategies” based on concepts taken from discourse analysis, adapted to counterterrorism and deradicalization strategies by De Graaf in 2009. The article will therefore not address the different practical measures in this field, but focus instead on the perception of these official measures by the radicals. It will illustrate this with two case studies: the deradicalization of South Moluccan youths in the 1970s and of jihadist radicals after 2001, both in the Netherlands.     

Coping With the Great Recession: Theory and Practice for County Governments

This article explores “best” and actual practices of county governments coping with fiscal stress. Using survey results from county commissioners in California and Georgia, it is possible to assess the recession's impact and identify strategies that have been used to deal with revenue shortfalls and how different taxes may have changed these tactics. It becomes clear that reducing expenditures is more commonplace than increasing taxes, and almost no counties are able to “do nothing” as the academic literature prescribes (Marlowe, 2009 Marlowe, J. 2009. “Can local government leaders formulate strategies that will actually—rather than hopefully—stimulate their local economies? Has history any record of such successes?”. In Navigating the fiscal crisis: Tested strategies for local leaders, Edited by: Miller and Svara. Prepared for the ICMA.  [Google Scholar]). Overall, the counties that are most successful at coping with the recession began to take action before they felt the recession's impact and subsequently are able to maintain service levels without dramatic changes to the way they budget.     

Shaping the Future of Mid-range Northern ngdos: ten challenges,ten proposals

In recent years the financial crisis in traditional donor countries, the aid effectiveness debate and the approaching end of the Millennium Development Goals agenda have opened the door to new goals, instruments and actors in development. This is shaping a new and more complex global aid system. As a consequence, traditional actors like mid-range Northern ngdos (nngdos), born and raised in an oda-based development system, face a challenging scenario. This paper has two aims. First, it aims to summarise the 10 most important challenges nngdos face today. As will be shown, such a complex landscape calls for adaptation, especially if nngdos want to keep playing a key role in the development aid system. The second aim therefore is to present 10 proposals which could help nngdos to overcome these threats, shaping the future this relevant actor could play in the new global aid system.