Explaining Ethnic Autonomy Regimes in Latin America

Through a systematic examination of nine cases, the author identifies factors that enabled indigenous movements in five Latin American countries to secure formal recognition of politico-territorial autonomy regimes. All nine cases occurred within the framework of a larger regime bargain—either (1) peace talks intended to end armed struggle when the regime faced a serious challenge to maintain political order or territorial control, or (2) a severe crisis of legitimacy and governability that forced political elites to renegotiate fundamental regime structures via the process of constitutional reform. In the five successful cases, changes in the political opportunity structure occurred that favored indigenous autonomy claimants. These changes were the opening of access to decision-making spheres and the emergence of an influential ally. Donna Lee Van Cott is assistant professor of political science at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. She is author ofThe Friendly Liquidation of the Past: The Politics of Diversity in Latin America and editor ofIndigenous Peoples and Democracy in Latin America.     

The Welsh Office and Welsh Autonomy

This article examines the claim that, by the late 1980s, the Welsh Office possessed sufficient autonomy to implement policies that diverged from those of the functional Whitehall ministries. Two case studies, housing and education, are examined as these are areas where institutional autonomy and distinctive needs might be expected to be most apparent in Wales. The conclusion of this article is that the claims of Welsh exceptionalism (certainly in terms of policies) have been much exaggerated and that the ‘centre’, Westminster and Whitehall, was able to impose its preferred policies in Wales, whatever appearances to the contrary.     

The Welsh Office and Welsh Autonomy

This article examines the claim that, by the late 1980s, the Welsh Office possessed sufficient autonomy to implement policies that diverged from those of the functional Whitehall ministries. Two case studies, housing and education, are examined as these are areas where institutional autonomy and distinctive needs might be expected to be most apparent in Wales. The conclusion of this article is that the claims of Welsh exceptionalism (certainly in terms of policies) have been much exaggerated and that the 'centre', Westminster and Whitehall, was able to impose its preferred policies in Wales, whatever appearances to the contrary.     

Between the Welfare State and Local Government Autonomy

Upon what objectives and ideological considerations have the Norwegian parliament developed its policies vis-à-vis local government during the second half of the twentieth century? Have the reforms and decisions made in parliament contributed to increased central control of local policy-making, or have local political authorities been given more powers and autonomy in deciding on local affairs? To what extent have ideological differences between political parties made any impression on the policies adopted? These are the major issues to be addressed in this study of debates and decisions over local government affairs in the Norwegian parliament since the late 1940s. It is observed that the parliament's policies have become increasingly centralised in terms of putting restrictions on the discretion of local decision-makers in acting according to their own preferences. The study also reveals rather clear and stable ideological divisions across the major political parties as far as policies towards local government are concerned.     

Evaluating Nashi's Sustainability: Autonomy,Agency and Activism

This article explores the development of the Russian youth movement Nashi and its relationship with the state with the purpose of assessing the movement's long-term sustainability. Establishing a link between activists' political autonomy and their potential ability to sustain the movement without state support, this article examines the validity of the assumption that Nashi is simply an extension of the state, which the state can unilaterally direct as it sees fit. It contends that despite the movement's allegiance to the incumbent regime and its utilisation of state resources, Nashi activists have become increasingly politically autonomous and therefore capable of sustaining the movement in their own right.     

社区居民自治:现代城市治理模式的基石

中国现代城市治理模式正在进行新的构建.其中日益发展的社区公民自治--包括村民自治和城市居民自治则是现代治理模式的奠基石.当然这块奠基石仍处于打造之中,而转换政府职能、完善公民自治制度则是打造这块基石的铁锤和錾子.     

Presidential Leadership in a Fractured State: Capacity,Autonomy, and the American State

Abstract

This paper sets out a conceptual framework for studying the conditions under which presidential leadership in the United States can be thought of as autonomous. Unlike others, who view executive institutions as reflections of conflicts between dominant societal forces, I examine the case of the American presidency and focus on organizational–institutional considerations. Specifically, I focus on the process of institutionalization as a means of building capacity, which I argue, in contrast to others, is a necessary condition for autonomy. Additionally, Iargue that work on the presidency, and the American state in general, suffers from a level of analysis problem, which obscures opportunities for identifying and analyzing autonomous presidential leadership. I conclude with thoughts for a research agenda.     

Freedom to do What you are Told: Senior Management Team Autonomy in an NHS Acute Trust

Arguably, the government's aim of using the reward of 'earned autonomy' and Foundation Trust status as an incentive to improve performance in the NHS will only be effective if Trust managers view greater autonomy as both desirable and realistic. This article examines this issue by investigating the extent to which members of an NHS Trust's senior management team perceive themselves as autonomous, the factors most likely to hinder their ability to operate autonomously, and the extent to which managers want greater autonomy. In the event, autonomy was largely restricted by extensive centrally dictated targets. Entrenched professional interests and a lack of managerial skills on the part of clinician managers suggested limitations on the extent to which autonomy can be realistically devolved. Additionally, there was little belief among managers that greater autonomy would enable healthcare services to be delivered more effectively.     

Administrative Autonomy Among American State Agencies: An Empirical Analysis of Fragmentation and Functionalism

Abstract

Administrative (or bureaucratic) autonomy has been an issue discussed in many different political and policymaking settings. Since administrative agencies are actively involved in the formation and implementation of public policy the issue of administrative autonomy is an important contemporary issue. We measure the concept of administrative autonomy empirically and systematically among state administrative agencies along two general features or components: (1) fragmentation and (2) functionalism. Each of two features of autonomy is subdivided into institutional and perceptual dimensions. The former is based on organizational and position characteristics. The latter derives from attitudes of individual administrators. Data are derived from responses by over 1000 state agency heads from the 1998 American State Administrators Project (ASAP). Among the prominent findings are: (a) there are positive relationships between the institutional and perceptual dimensions for both fragmentation and functionalism, and (b) variations in institutional and perceptual dimension of administrative autonomy among different types of agencies and different selection methods of the agency heads.     

Trends in Governance in Further Education

Abstract

The governance of further education colleges has two main phases since the passing of the Education Act 1944 – the period when further education colleges were under local authority control and the period from ‘vesting day’ on 1 April 1993 when colleges became incorporated and further education corporations were formed as charities. This review is primarily concerned with the landscape of college governance since 1 April 1993 and draws upon some of the very limited number of research studies into the practice of further education governance. The experience and contribution of the key governance players – chair of the corporation, governors, the principal, the senior staff, the clerk to the corporation – are discussed. Throughout the period since 1993, college governance has operated within a policy framework provided by government and, to a greater or lesser extent, the implementation of those policies by agencies of government. In simple terms, the pattern may seem to be creativity (in the early years), compliance (following some high profile college governance collapses), micro-management (through the Learning and Skills Council years) and now the most open, imaginative phase as the current government encourages the strong colleges to play a bigger part in local education provision. Perhaps now is the time when the experience of college governance to date is able to draw upon its considerable strengths and show what the accumulation of governance capital can achieve.     

Suicide in Bahrain in the last decade

A combination of social, legal, and religious factors make reporting of suicide difficult in Bahrain, an Islamic country. Limited available data indicates a very low incidence rate of 3 per 100,000. The objective of the present study was to describe the pattern of suicide in Bahrain during a 10-year period. The registered suicide cases (N = 304) at the Ministry of Interior for the 10-year period from 1995 to 2004 were reviewed and analyzed. The mean suicide rate was 0.6 per 100,000 for the Bahraini nationals and 12.6 per 100,000 for the non-Bahrainis with and 17.7 per 100,000 for the Indian migrants. Men were six times more likely than women to commit suicide. The majority of the subjects were under 35 years of age with financial domestic problems being the most common reason reported in the record and hanging the mostly commonly used mode of suicide (92.8%). The suicide rate for the Bahraini population remains low compared to other countries. The higher rate of suicide among Indians merits further investigation. Moreover, more research is needed on the epidemiology of suicide risk factors in ethnic groups for further prevention and intervention.