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1.

The recent crackdown by the Chinese Communist Party government on the efforts of Chinese dissidents to organise the China New Democratic Party has raised a serious question among scholars: why has the Chinese leadership been so reluctant to initiate democratic reforms? But an equally important question is: how has the Chinese political system been able to accommodate drastic socioeconomic changes? Although Chinese leaders from Deng Xiaoping to Jiang Zemin have strongly opposed the Western style of democracy, they have continuously adjusted the country's political system to prevent socioeconomic chaos from occuring, chaos that has troubled many former communist states and Third World countries. This paper explores China's political incrementalism and explains how incremental political reforms have worked. It argues that, although Chinese leaders have so far been successful in accommodating social changes through incrementalism, they are still uncertain about how to cope with increasing social demands for political reform and democratisation.  相似文献   

2.
《Communist and Post》2001,34(2):261-277
This paper focuses on Estonia's post-communist transition and attempts to determine why it has been more successful than the other two Baltic states, Lithuania and Latvia. It proposes that the central factor conditioning the outcome of the Baltic states' transition process was their different experiences during the Soviet period. Although the post-independence reform program itself played a crucial role in Estonia's successful transition, the paper concludes that the seeds for the country's achievements can actually be found in its Soviet legacy: Estonia's selection of policies, their implementation and the resulting positive outcome were all dependent on favorable conditions which had been established in Estonia during the Soviet period. Significantly, these positive conditions had not been created in the other two Baltic states.  相似文献   

3.
The historical feud between Hungary and Romania over Transylvania has escalated in proportion and intensity in recent years. Territorial dispute is no longer central to the present debate. Rather, it is the treatment of approximately two million1 ethnic Hungarians residing in Transylvania that has generated considerable tension between the governments of Janos Kadar and Nicolae Ceausescu. Transylvania's ethnic Hungarians represent an obstacle to Ceausescu's policy of “national communism,” which promotes “Romanianism” to the detriment of the country's minority populations. In Hungary, reformists both within and outside the Kadar government have pressed the regime for a satisfactory solution to the perceived mistreatment of Hungarians living in neighboring socialist countries. By complicating relations between the two countries, the nationality question also effectively limits the degree to which Hungary and Romania can cooperate succesfully on regional endeavors. Finally, particularly in the case of Romania, exacerbation of the nationality question has attracted increased concern among “external” players, including the Soviet Union and the United States.  相似文献   

4.
Abstract

The globalization of international labor migration is manifest in all countries now engaging in migration systems that are growing in size and complexity and producing an increasing diversity of flows. Furthermore, many of the processes that create and drive these systems operate on a worldwide basis, the consequence of economic globalization, capital mobility and widespread realization by governments that human resources can be traded for profit like any other resource.

This paper looks at Ghana's immigration policy in the light of its economic situation. It characterizes Ghana's immigration policy as geared towards using immigration to attract critical foreign investment, transfer of technology and human resource capital/skills for socio-economic development. Running concurrently is the policy to prevent illegal immigration, transnational crime, economic exploitation, social corruption and human trafficking.

The paper concludes that when the economic situation of Ghana was buoyant in the 1960s it attracted many immigrants especially from neighboring West African countries, however when the country's economy saw a down turn, immigrants were used as a convenient scapegoat and many were expelled. The irony though is that while the current poor economic situation of Ghana has made Ghanaians to immigrate to other countries, the political stability of the country does attract other West Africans and non-Africans and it is affording the country the opportunity to streamline its immigration and citizenship laws.  相似文献   

5.
The Philippine labour migration regime has been praised as one of the best examples of government-led migration management in the developing world, with some of the most extensive policies and bureaucratic organisations to manage and protect its citizens working abroad. However, not much knowledge has been accumulated that explains its origins or why it emerged in the Philippines and not in other large-scale migrant-sending countries. Contrary to current explanations that emphasise the economic benefits of labour migration and civil society mobilisation, this paper highlights the migration regime's compatibility with the political economy interests of the country's ruling elites. Bringing together the country's two important political and economic features, oligarchic rule and labour export, this paper suggests that the unique genesis of the Philippines’ migration regime casts doubts on the replicability of the Philippine model in other labour-sending countries as currently pursued by the international development community.  相似文献   

6.
This paper analyses the prominence of civilisational values in Korean political economy debates in the late 19th and early 20th centuries concerning their country's dramatic opening to the world economy at the time. Korean supporters of economic opening saw this policy change as part of a wider embrace of Western civilisational values, while opponents argued that their country's longstanding economic autarchy upheld traditional Neo-Confucian civilisational values that had been imported from China. For international political economy (IPE) scholars interested in the historical relationship between civilisational values and political economy, the analysis shows how these values shaped understandings of international economic relations outside the West in quite distinctive ways. For IPE scholars interested in the diffusion of ideas, the analysis highlights different dynamics involved in the ‘localisation’ of ideas emanating from dominant powers. More generally, the study of this Korean history also contributes to the building of a more ‘inter-civilisational’ approach to IPE today.  相似文献   

7.
This paper represents the first systematic attempt to link revenue structure to deficits cross-nationally. Recent analyses of the causes of increased budget deficits in the industrialized countries have focused on the factors that influence government spending, ignoring the possibility that chronic deficits might also be caused by shortfalls in revenue. In this research, using data from sixteen OECD countries during the period 1959-1990, we test hypotheses regarding the linkage between a country's revenue structure and its experience with deficits. We find evidence that countries heavily dependent on direct taxes had more difficulty keeping spending and revenues in line, particularly during times of high unemployment. We find no evidence, however, of a “fiscal illusion” impact on deficits.  相似文献   

8.
This paper examines the impact of foreign aid on economic development in the context of a neoclassical growth model. Its conclusion is that foreign aid, whether in the form of capital goods or consumer goods, has a purely transitory effect on an underdeveloped country's per capita consumption (which is used as the welfare criterion) in the context of the usual neoclassical growth model; when, however, alternative assumptions (which may be more appropriate to an underdeveloped country) about the rate of population growth and the propensity to save are grafted into this model, foreign aid, in the form of capital goods or consumer goods, does have a permanent effect on an underdeveloped country's per capita consumption, if the aid exceeds a critical minimum.

Section I develops the properties of a simple neoclassical growth model that are essential to the analysis; section II analyses the impact of foreign aid in this context; in section III, appropriate modifications are made to the simple model and the impact of foreign aid is then re‐analyzed.  相似文献   


9.
Abstract

This paper analyses the effects of trade openness on budget balances by distinguishing the effects of natural openness from those of trade policy. Revealed indicators of natural openness and trade policy are computed. Using GMM-system estimator, the econometric analysis focuses on 66 developing countries over 1974–98. The results show that trade openness increases a country's exposure to external shocks. This enforces the negative impact on budget balances of terms of trade instability. Additionally, trade openness influences budget balances through several other channels: corruption, income inequalities, etc. Then natural openness and trade policy have opposite effects: the former deteriorates budget balances whereas the latter enhances them.  相似文献   

10.
Abstract

The article assesses the empirical validity of Okun's law on the relationship between a country's unemployment and its output with a focus upon the Visegrád Group economies and upon the post-transition period from the first quarter of 2000 until the first quarter of 2016. The study also accounts for cyclical fluctuations in male and female unemployment and applies different approaches to the estimation of Okun coefficients. Fixed long-run Okun coefficients are compared to the trajectories identified under the state space approach based on the Kalman filter in an attempt to capture their possible time non-constancy. The findings cast doubt about the universal validity of Okun's law in the Visegrád countries in the investigated period.  相似文献   

11.
The study presented in this paper consists of the application of two models of financial accounting to Turkish data. Detailed financial accounts are available for 1950–63 [Yaser, 1967], accounts for 1964–67 are incomplete [Aysan, 1967 and State Institute of Statistics, 1968], and none exist for 1968–70. Even if detailed accounts could be prepared somewhat more rapidly they would still not be up to date; a considerable lag in preparation of the basic data, e.g. company balance sheets, etc., exists in Turkey, as in most underdeveloped countries. For this reason, methods of estimating financial accounts with the use of models requiring limited and speedily available current data have been explored.

The aims of the analysis are estimation and prediction. Explanation of the changes in the financial variables has not been attempted here. The bivariate least‐squares regressions run to estimate linear time trends in all the financial proportions used in the models are not explanatory. Durbin‐Watson tests suggest that other factors were significant over the period.1 This lends support to the conclusion that even for a financial system such as Turkey's which might on a priori grounds be thought particularly well suited to analysis by the Stone model, the non‐substitutability hypothesis embodied in it must be rejected.

The reasons for believing that the Turkish financial structure might lend itself well to analysis by the Stone model are outlined below. They appear so convincing that the negative results of the model's application are surprising. Indeed, they raise a number of interesting questions about financial structures of underdeveloped countries which are beyond the scope of this paper.  相似文献   


12.
Employees’ work values, or beliefs about desirability of certain work attributes and outcomes, are believed to drive their motivation to work and stay in certain settings. This article compares work values of business, government, and nonprofit employees in a sample of nations with different cultural orientations—Germany, India, South Korea, Russia, South Africa, and the US. Results showed significant relationship between a country and work values variables, suggesting that a country's culture may have a potential to influence what individuals value in work. Additionally, employees of government, business, and nonprofit sectors differed in their work values in all six countries.  相似文献   

13.
Abstract

Florida's performance-based budgeting reform, called performance-based program budgeting or PB2, followed a defined plan of implementation from its inception in 1995. The reform's implementation was perhaps more interesting for its dynamic adjustments than its planned progression, however. At various points along the reform trajectory key entities charged with driving the reform process had to deal with challenges to both the substance of reform and its day-to-day management. This article presents some of the story of this process. PB2 has not proved a panacea for all the budgeting woes governments like Florida's may face, but it has been useful and the story of its implementation should be of interest.  相似文献   

14.
Albeit often – and fairly – degraded in the world of high culture as a populist and politicized representation of music, the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) – by sheer virtue of the populist and politicized nature of its essence – stands among the most consequential cultural encounters to which post-independence Azerbaijan has been exposed, in that the extent to which Baku's victory in the ESC-2011 – and the further developments this victory has generated – can potentially impact on, and contribute to, the very process of nation-building and national identity formation, with which this post-Soviet Muslim-majority country is currently struggling, is unparalleled by any of the state's earlier encounters of the kind. This paper focuses on, and examines, four intimately related ways in which the ESC and Azerbaijan's successful involvement with the latter worked to interfere with the country's nation-building: as a dubious factor in the evolution of the Western sense of self among Azerbaijanis; as a unifying force within the structure of the country's rapidly maturing civil society; as a medium working to open up a channel through which Western popular cultural elements could interfere with the evolving dynamics of, and work to globalize, indeed de-endogenize, indigenous Azerbaijani culture, on one hand, and unify the discursive realm within which the country's cultural domain is to further evolve, on the other; and, finally, as an important element serving to decouple the evolving processes within the country's cultural domain from the unfolding dynamics of conflict settlement and hence conducive to the diversification of public discourse in Azerbaijan.  相似文献   

15.
《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(11-12):893-904
Abstract

Romania emerged from 40 plus years of communism with little understanding of management under free market conditions. The country's managers have been scrambling to catch up to the western world so that it can compete on an international basis. Romania has rich resources and untapped capabilities that are slowly being developed in the post communist era. Assistance from western nations has helped to fill the gap left by the socialist mentality. The United States has been noteworthy in its management training assistance. This article is a survey of the programs attempted over the past thirteen years plus some reflections of earlier programs from the west.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

This article examines the inter-related factors that underpin the fragility of Thailand's democracy. Uneven economic development, the high levels of income inequality, and unequal access to power and resources are significant drivers of Thailand's ongoing political conflict. Social divides across classes and regions, and populist exploitation of the rural poor's sense of alienation from the traditional ruling elites, provide a volatile backdrop to national politics. In addition, Thailand's unstable political history and the weakness of liberal institutions present risks to its democracy. The army, the revered monarch and the judiciary comprise elites whose periodic interventions in politics and reservations about electoral democracy further render the Thai polity fragile. Thailand's political situation represents a ‘slow-burning’ crisis of democracy: a long-term historical confrontation developing slowly, with the fundamental issues unresolved. It is undergoing a period of social turmoil fuelled by a power struggle between competing material interests and by an ideational contest to determine the country's constitutive political rules. This can be conceptualised as a struggle for control of Thailand's future between a heterogeneous populist-capitalist movement of illiberal democracy and conservative forces of undemocratic liberalism.  相似文献   

17.
Using two different measures, the degree of correspondence between a country's export vector of manufactures and a trade partner's import vector is determined. These export‐import similarity measures are shown to contribute to an explanation of bilateral trade intensity. They are then used in computing an index of export potential in manufactures for 34 developing countries, and an index showing the potential to replace LDC imports presently originating from developed countries. Given the existing LDC commodity composition, the possibility of substituting imports of DC manufactures by LDC supplies ‐ for example, through preferential inter‐LDC trading ‐is found to be limited only.  相似文献   

18.
This article suggest that change be taken seriously; that we accept environmental change as ubiquitous, as more differentially defined perceptually. A classification of contextual changes is offered which, since it includes discontinuous change, goes beyond conventional thinking. For each type of contextual change the associated archetypical organizational forms and thematic managerial concerns and competencies are outlined. We suggest that organizations in the future should be configurations of forms because of multiple contextual circumstances, and that such configurations will require a mix of managerial competencies and the meta-competency be termed managerial artistry.

In general, the human mind is conservative. Long after an assumption is outmoded, people tend to apply it to novel situations. ---Daniel J. Isenberg

One should never underestimate the stimulation of eccentricity. ---Neil Simon, Biloxi Blues

Change is thematic in the contemporary literature on organizing and management. This literature is anything if not prolific about the management of change. Until quite recently, research and advice about the management of organizations has reflected an ideology of gradualism. Effective organizational change was seen to proceed by small, incremental adjustments. The environments of organizations was presumed to be stable or growing. Lately, supposedly having entered what Drucker(1) termed the “age of discontinuity,” organizational change is seen as requiring managers to choose between organizational extinction or immediate and radical transformation.(2) These two theses, incrementalism and transformation, however, no doubt oversimplify the circumstances facing contemporary and future managers. A somewhat more refined and encompassing model of change and its concomitants is surely needed so that more appropriate organizations are created and more responsive managerial competencies are developed.

We will not detail either the nature or the extent of change in the modern world for this has been done by so many others.(3,4,5,6,7) Everything is supposedly changing more or less--globally, nationally, industries and organizations, people, everything! And as if that weren’t enough, we also hear repeatedly that the absolute rate of change in our world is likewise increasing. Of course, reflecting all of this change, the tasks and responsibilities of managers everywhere are also changing. For many of us, the constant drum beat of change, change, change has a numbing quality and it becomes difficult to retain the idea of change in our minds. For others of us the change refrain proves overwhelming and we retreat to the relative comfort of simplifying images and slogans. A certain amount of loose metaphorical talk prevails about “catching and riding the wave of change”(8) or about having to cope with conditions of “permanent whitewater”(9) or even “thriving on chaos” .(10) Somehow the presumptions of stability has jump-shifted to quantum, revolutionary change.

What if we took change seriously? What if we believed that managing change really was at the core of management? These are the aims of this essay. We will argue that the simple, bipolar conceptions of environmental change are inadequate; that the environmental conditions in which organizations find themselves discontinuous change, and that they are neither homogenous nor absolutely objectively real. We will also argue that management's proclivity to believe there is a one best way to manage, once we know what we are up against, is even more fallacious than before, and that there are new as well as old ways of bundling managing. To take change seriously thus promotes managerial artistry, those competencies of appreciation and design and facilitation of appropriately refined organizational forms. Managerial artistry thus brings proactive choice to the forefront as executive become more aware of the possibilities in organizational environments and their associated structures and competencies.

This essay will proceed in four sections. In the first we will sketch the range and nature of four alternative organizational environments. Second, we will outline the organizational designs associated with each type of environmental circumstance. The third section then examines designs and the managerial competencies and concerns that seem to be needed for each environmental alternative. Last we will comment on the implications of what has been outlined for the managerial artistry of the future.  相似文献   

19.
We ask which economic policies can help a country create the most favourable conditions for development. We observe that the dynamics of several development indicators can be grouped into four clusters, each cluster corresponding to a different combination of growth and changes in inequality. Based on this observation, we define four different development scenarios and use limited dependent variable regressions to study how structural and policy factors affect a country's probability to achieve the most (or the least) favourable of these scenarios. Our results point to a comforting picture: through the choice of appropriate policies countries can effectively increase their chances to achieve the most favourable development scenario.  相似文献   

20.
Medicaid revenues may determine whether public hospitals will survive. Public hospitals participate aggressively in the public market competition for their states’ Medicaid dollars. States must decide whether the survival of public hospitals, as providers of last resort to both Medicaid and uninsured patients, is of continuing importance to their Medicaid programs. Cities, if the states were willing, alternatively could voucher uninsured patients and direct Medicaid patients to the private hospitals that would outlive closed public hospitals. In fact, Medicaid's managed care programs already have heightened this competition, by organizing sufficiently large populations of prepaid Medicaid patients to attract networks of private providers to offer discounted prices, in competition with public hospitals for this market.

Although Medicaid has been a comparatively poor payer, nationally, almost half of public hospitals7 funding comes from this source of revenue. Urban public hospitals can barely live with Medicaid revenues, but the extent to which they can live without Medicaid revenues is being determined by surprising new turns in market competition for the revenue. A period of expansive and expensive new congressional mandates for the joint federal-state program was followed in the early 1990s by the introduction by the states of Medicaid revenue maximization strategies. The states’ funding levels, the bases for matching federal contributions, were artificially elevated by provider taxes, provider donations, and intergovernmental transfers. The revenue from all these sources was returned to these providers through the Disproportionate Share Hospital subsidy program for Medicaid-dependent hospitals, as soon as the federal revenue match was calculated, based upon the inflated figures. These practices currently are being stymied, and states simultaneously have escalated competitive bidding by private market managed care providers for Medicaid patients. Missouri has been in the forefront of states moving to maximize the federal Medicaid revenue match and to return Disproportionate Share Hospital funds to providers. St. Louis's public hospital, Regional Medical Center, has been weaned off its local government subsidies, as the intergovernmental transfer and DSH enticements compromised the stability of that hospital's revenue picture. Now, unprotected by an integrated healthcare system or other major role in a regional hospital network, this urban public hospital must struggle to survive within its Medicaid managed care competitive market. The question for the state of Missouri is whether perpetuating a future for Regional will ensure its Medicaid patients a traditional caring public medicine alternative as a fallback position, if Medicaid's present foray into the private market goes awry. For Regional and the city of St. Louis, the question is whether they can any longer count upon traditional state Medicaid revenue and financial support.  相似文献   

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