Social determinants and risk factors for non-communicable diseases (NCDs) in South Asian migrant populations in Europe

In Europe, policies, strategies and interventions to address the growing burden of non-communicable diseases have generally neglected to take into consideration the impact of migration on health outcomes of increasingly multicultural and diverse societies. Research has shown that migrants of South Asian origin living in Europe are more at risk of acquiring non-communicable diseases than their counterparts in their country of origin or than the host European population. Using the example of migrants of South Asian origin, this paper highlights the migration-related social determinants of health and risk factors for non-communicable diseases. This paper calls for a more integrated, multi-sectoral approach to promote migrant-friendly health and social services to address non-communicable diseases in South Asia and Europe.     

Levels of Othering—The Case of Zimbabwean Migrants in South Africa

This article on othering draws on the narratives of Zimbabwean migrants from the country's two major ethnic groups, Shona and Ndebele, living in South Africa. Although Zimbabwean migrants are among the most disliked foreigners, migrants were othered differently based on ethnicity in South Africa. Ndebeles, who speak a language that is closely related to isiZulu and many of whom trace their ancestry to South Africa, generally fared better than Shonas. Zimbabwean migrants are not a homogeneous group, and the results suggest the need for a more nuanced approach in the analysis of their experiences in South Africa.     

Migration decision from Bangladesh: permanent versus temporary

More than 50% of the total migration from Bangladesh occurred from Sylhet, located to northern part of the country since the middle of the last century. This paper provides an empirical distinction between the temporary migrants (Bangladeshi citizens engaged in earning aboard) and the permanent migrants (those who have the dual citizenship) based on their cost conditions, earnings, and utilization of remittances in their country of origin. Temporary migrants’ educational status, per capita income allocation to family members, work experience before migration, source of income and income range are much lower compared with the permanent migrants. But, the dependency ratio, contribution to the family, remittances, risk etc. are higher for the permanent migrants than the temporary migrants. Cost of migration and the migration decision are inversely related. Migration costs determine individual’s decision to migrate permanently or temporarily. Our results suggest that higher migration cost reduces the probability of permanent migration.     

State narratives of ‘foreignness’ and ‘criminality’ in South Africa

This article brings the notion of transfiguration to bear on the study of the ‘unspeakable’ identity of African migrants living in South Africa, in the context of state language games on violence perpetrated against these migrants. The significance of these discourses is explored, in particular how official and not-so-unofficial discourses on violence in South African media combine to make migrants simultaneously visible and invisible. Speaking about violence involving black non-South Africans, state functionaries tend to downplay the ‘xenophobic’ element while overplaying the link with motiveless crime. Nevertheless, the sense that the migrant, labelled ‘foreigner’, is to blame for all the problems is never far from the surface of these language games. The migrant is therefore enlisted into a discourse where s/he is transformed and subsequently forced to recognise him/herself as subject. As a victim of violence, the migrants find themselves inhabiting zones of discursive indistinction, where they are both victim and victimiser, criminal and crime victim.     

清代福建人向海峡殖民地的移民

福建人移民海峡殖民地的历史颇早。海峡殖民地是清代尤其晚清福建人移民马来亚的集中地。在海峡殖民地各华人方言群中，除了1911年马六甲海南人比福建人略多之外，福建人所占的比重都是最大的。按人数看，19世纪80年代以来，新加坡的福建人在马来亚各邦和各殖民地的福建人中占绝对多数。19世纪末20世纪初，福建人的儿童移民数远超过其他方言群及国籍的儿童移民，从厦门港出发移民槟榔屿和新加坡的福建人绝大多数是男性移民。1893年清朝廷正式废除海禁政策对福建人经厦门港移民海峡殖民地产生了重要的影响。     

Estimating the economic model of Hundi using micro-level data

Following Friedman et al. (2000), we have developed an economic model of Hundi (an informal money transfer system) behavior and is designated to identify the factors that determine the channels (formal or informal) used by remitters. The model is empirically tested using Tobit analysis for a sample of 132 returned migrants of greater Sylhet region in Bangladesh with work experience in 11 different host countries. Our findings suggest that sending remittances through Hundi first increases with age, peaks at one point, and then declines thereafter. It is observed that single or unmarried migrants are more likely to remit through Hundi, while relatively educated migrants have the opposite preferences. Cost and financing of migration have significant impact on an individual’s decision to choose the remitting channel. It is also found that the nature of the migration and type of job abroad affect an individual’s decision to use the remitting channel. Furthermore, migrants who have no ability to speak the language of the country of destination are generally more inclined to remit through an informal channel. Finally, migrants who receive low commission to remit, have families or relatives living in remote areas and mainly dependent on remittances, and have the opportunity to remit in holidays are more likely to remit through Hundi than their counterparts.     

The EU-Turkey Deal One Year On: A Delicate Balancing Act

Now in its sixth year, the war in Syria has triggered the largest humanitarian and refugee crisis of our time. For most refugees and migrants, Turkey is the main transit country to reach Europe, where Syrian refugees hope for a better future. However, this journey has been hampered as several European countries closed their borders following the arrival of an unprecedented number of migrants and asylum seekers in 2015. In response, a deal was struck with Turkey to stem the migrant flow to Europe in exchange for some concessions. By outsourcing the management of migration flows to Turkey, the EU is failing to take its fair share of responsibility for refugee protection. Furthermore, as a result of the political situation in Turkey and the unmet promises under the deal, relations between Turkey and the EU have touched their lowest point since the start of accession negotiations in 2005. While survival of the deal is of critical importance as the EU needs Turkey’s assistance in curbing migration flows and Turkey is keen on revitalising its accession negotiations, the deal has exposed serious flaws that need to be addressed and must not be replicated with other countries.     

Illegal Migration: Russia

The author interprets issues related to illegal migration in Russia in the context of the new general international migration situation in the Euro-Asian region that resulted from collapse of the USSR and integration of the newly independent states in the world migration flows. The fact that Russia acts as a sending and—to a much greater extent—as a receiving and transit country is crucial for understanding the nature, reasons, challenges, and perspectives of illegal migration. The “multi-layer” character of illegal migration in Russia needs a diversity of approaches to how best to fight against security threats rooted in it. The major portion of illegal migrants in Russia are in fact labor migrants form former Soviet states, and their illegal status is often due to extremely complicated official registration procedure. The government’s official position in managing this type of illegal migrant (in terms of punishment, legalization, or granting citizenship if wanted) should be different from actions against numerous transit illegal migrants from Asian and African countries who use Russia as a waystation on their way to Europe or other developed regions. However, these transit migrants are mainly managed by migrant-traffickers. Along the borders of Russia, especially with China, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine there exist numerous well-organized channels for migrant smuggling. Therefore, the main efforts at national and regional levels should be directed against criminal trafficking organizations. They should be joined efforts of all the concerned countries.     

日俄入侵对东北招民垦荒的影响（1860～1911）

随着自19世纪50年代以来沙俄的移民和侵略,清政府逐步解除了东北地区的封禁政策,开始招民垦荒,以图巩固边防。中日甲午战争后,日本也把侵略的触角伸向这一地区。尤其是在日俄战争结束后,沙俄和日本分别将＂北满＂、＂南满＂划为各自的势力范围,以铁路为依托,逐步实行殖民统治。沙俄和日本的入侵使得清政府感到自己在东北的统治受到严重的威胁,为维持在东北的统治,进一步把东北的荒地全体开放。总体来看,这一时期清政府在东北地区招民垦荒政策的实施与日俄长期争夺东北是密不可分的。     

‘Blocked’ Youth: The Politics of Migration from South and East Mediterranean Countries Before and After the Arab Uprisings

Migration from South and East Mediterranean (SEM) countries has been considered a growing security threat in the EU and Gulf states following the 9/11 attacks and the Arab uprisings. Since 2011, the economic slowdown, regime changes and socio-political instability have spurred growing migration pressure from SEM countries. However, the securitisation of migration of young citizens from these countries in the EU and the Gulf states is manifested in the drastic limitation of migrants’ inflows, and in the selection of prospective migrants on demographic, socio-economic and political grounds. Today’s ‘governmentality’ of youth migration from SEM countries poses ethical and development-related issues.     

Exploring the role of migrants’ remittances in the UN's nation building and development management in Haiti

Remitting outweighs foreign aid by a rate of more than eight times, resulting in a skewed perception of the Haitian economy and consequent hindrance to development. Endowing Haitian state institutions and civil society by strengthening the potential role of migrants’ remittances in regional socio-economic reconstruction could prevent some of the mistakes uncovered in previous development policies from recurring in current nation-building initiatives. The funding gap of the United Nations’ short term funded projects could be bridged with a long term commitment of a new migrant class of investors to finance productive projects and endow regional participatory institutions.     

The socio-economic impact of the involuntary mass return to Yemen in 1990

800,000 Yemen nationals were forced to leave Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and other countries in the region during the Gulf War. Their mass return to Yemen followed immediately after reunification of North and South Yemen. Analysis reveals that the term "migrant worker" is a misnomer and obscures the variations in wealth, residence, and status. Returnees had variable lengths of stay abroad, number of dependents or family members abroad or at home, types of occupation, ownership of assets, frequency of visits to the community of origin, and remittances. The range of long-term migrants included wealthy merchants and bankers, middle level service and retail workers, and poor workers in the informal sector. The common thread is that all suffered some decline in standard of living. The return was less disruptive for short-term migrants. Some long-term residents no longer had social and economic ties to Yemen, and some had no experience living in Yemen. About 33% were estimated to be without ties to home communities. The decline in remittances from abroad affected foreign exchange receipts. The country shifted from labor scarcity to unemployment conditions. The infrastructure in housing, education, and social services was strained. The one-time influx of capital was short-lived. Returnees comprised about 7% of the total population. The feared upheaval politically and economically did not occur. Suggested improvements for future mass resettlement include offering shanty dwellers a supplemental feeding program, a means of obtaining secure housing, and increased infrastructure. The long-term benefits of encouraging a return to agriculture should have been more widely promoted.     

Over the border and under the radar: can illegal migrants be active citizens?

Active citizens can become a powerful driver of development by holding to popular account those who traditionally wield decision-making power at the local and national levels. Active citizenship draws from a long history of understanding the importance of community participation and ownership of development interventions. However, in spite of its inherent strengths, active citizenship may not be a possible (or optimal) outcome in all circumstances. This article argues for the realistic expectation of active citizenship (and indeed participation) of one specific sub-population in Thailand, where the overwhelming majority of illegal migrants (of an estimated total of 800,000–1.5 million) are Burmese. Their precarious existence as illegal migrants compounds the development needs that confront any poor community. This in turn hinders their ability to engage actively in the development process. This article reviews the lessons learned by a Thai-based NGO that has worked with illegal Burmese migrants for more than 15 years. It discusses the unique strengths and weakness of these illegal communities, whether or not it is appropriate to seek to engage them as active citizens, and the implications for NGOs working with such communities. It suggests that the unique role that NGOs must play, in cases where public participation could endanger the lives of community members, is that of advocate-guardians, whereby they assume the role of active citizen on behalf of the community in question and simultaneously provide development interventions and advocate on its behalf.     

EU-Libya Cooperation on Migration: A Raw Deal for Refugees and Migrants?

Libya's emergence as a key jumping-off point for entry intoEurope by sea has created a sense of urgency within the EU,which seeks to prevent arrivals from this new point of departure,and has led to the initiation of EU–Libya cooperationon migration. This article argues that the EU is failing toadopt an integrated approach to migration management in Libya,despite its repeated assurances to the contrary. It examinesEU–Libya cooperation, still in its early stages, and analysesthe experiences of refugees and migrants in Libya and on theirjourneys to Europe. Both elements strongly indicate that thecurrent approach, which focuses on border control and surveillance,is likely to meet with limited success in achieving the EU'saims of stemming the flow of irregular migrants arriving fromLibya in Italy and Malta, protecting the human rights of thosein transit and ensuring humanitarian outcomes for them.     

Refugee Returns, Civic Differentiation, and Minority Rights in Croatia 1991-2004

Many studies on refugee returns tend to amalgamate the experiencesof migrants and concentrate on return as an end point of therefugee cycle. In reality, however, returnees do not share thesame experience and endure the effects of their displacementlong after they have returned. This study claims that a moreuseful tool of analysis is to consider both the paths of dislocationand the challenges of return and reintegration. It introducesthe concept of ‘civic differentiation’ as a meansof exploring patterns of return and reintegration in post-warCroatia where returning migrants enjoy vastly different accessto critical resources, above all housing and employment. Thisstudy considers the relevance for reintegration of ethnic identity,property ownership, exit routes and time spent in exile, anddescribes five return scenarios: settlement as ethnic colonization;forcible relocation as a result of regional policies; the returnof retirement; settlement following property repossession; marginalizationand exclusion.     

和平与认同：小觑越南河内华族的民族认同感

移民及少数民族的民族认同感变化已成为全球感兴趣的课题，并越来越受重视。中华民族是世界上最大的民族群体，二战结束后，中国移民民族认同感变化的现象引起了学者们的关注，人们开始从社会学角度研究此现象。早期研究主要针对半世纪前生活在东南亚地区、在当地被视为少数民族的华族。本文的研究对象是目前西方学者很少涉及的越南河内的“华族”。我们认为，和其他东南亚国家不同，中越之间特有的历史、文化以及政治关系对越南华族认同感的改变有着很大的影响。     

Injustice ignored: a case study of the irregular sea migration of the Rohingyan boat people

Migration has always been a sensitive issue as it is oftentimes driven by a sense of tragedy and loss. This paper examines the irregular sea migration of the Rohingyan Muslims who fled from Myanmar in order to escape state-sponsored socio-cultural persecution. In their quest to find sanctuary in neighboring states such as Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees report that thousands are now missing at sea, drowned, or detained in holding centers for undocumented migrants. It is against this factual backdrop that the author has chosen to make an analysis of a coastal state's rights to maritime border control vis a vis its established obligations to irregular sea migrants under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, the International Convention on Maritime Search and Rescue, the International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea, the Refugee Convention, and various international human rights instruments. Finally, key regional and bilateral initiatives that deal with the issue will be examined.     

Climate Change, Mass Migration and the Military Response

The displacement of thousands of U.S. Gulf Coast residents in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina is emblematic of a human migration challenge that will likely become more severe in the years and decades ahead. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) predicts that climate change will manifest in dramatic ways-extreme weather events, droughts, heat waves, increased cyclone (hurricane, typhoon) activity, sea level rise, etc.-and some of these effects may induce large scale human migration, both within and among countries. The increasing trend of environmental migrants is clashing with widespread anti-immigrant sentiment in both developed and developing countries around the world. Some countries are describing migration-and particularly unauthorized international migration-as a “security threat” and are turning to military forces to deter or manage the human flows, a trend that is likely to grow.     

Expatriates as voters? The new dynamics of external voting in Sub-Saharan Africa

Expatriate voting has gained in importance over the last decade in Sub-Saharan Africa. This article gives an empirical overview of existing regulations in all independent states of the continent and examines some explanatory approaches in the African context. One approach claims that expatriate enfranchisement is a functional response to the increasing importance of migrants and their remittances. A second explanation refers to the role of domestic political structures and regime types. A third cluster of explanatory factors links external voting to the interests of political parties. Both in the broader comparative analysis and by looking more specifically at the cases of Ghana, South Africa, Cape Verde and Nigeria, all three approaches specifically contribute to understanding variation of external voting rights in Sub-Saharan Africa.     

Methodological Challenges for National and Multi-sited Comparative Survey Research

This paper will examine the ways in which ‘textbook’survey research methods need to be adapted and refined for researchwith forced migrants, and the ways in which cross-national contexts,as well as research within one national context with forcedmigrants from different communities, affect the utilizationof survey methods. Linked to this, the ways in which surveydesign issues need to be sensitive to the diversity betweenand within countries and communities will be explored. The paperwill draw on two surveys, one a UK national survey and the othera multi-sited comparative survey in the UK and South Africa,to explore access to forced migrants in different contexts andthe appropriateness of different modes of data collection betweenand within countries and communities (e.g. paper self-completion,face-to-face interviews and web-based surveys). The impact ofpolitics, language and literacy, gender, and immigration status,especially irregular and insecure statuses, will be examined.