国际争端解决的司法途径及中国的应对——从南海仲裁案说起

中国一直主张和平解决国际争端,这种和平手段主要分为政治与司法两种并在全球化时代日益发挥重要的作用,越来越多的国家更倾向于运用司法方式解决国际争端.在无政府状态下,主权国家出于本国国家利益的考虑、结合争端本身的特点选择最适宜的争端解决方式,是国际争端是否能够和平解决的决定性因素.国际争端解决的司法化趋势不影响国家依据国际法所赋予的合法权利、自身偏好自主选择国际争端的解决方式.中国对“南海仲裁案”的“四不”立场,完全是由于仲裁案本身严重违反国际法,并不能由此否认中国参与和支持国际司法的积极立场和态度.面对复杂的国际形势,中国想要成功实现和平崛起,必须把握运用政治、司法手段处理国际争端的“黄金分割点”,提升在国际公约的制定等议题上的话语权、争端规则的动议和谈判能力等,以在国际司法程序中增加胜算.     

中国的热点外交研究——特点、理念与意义

中国热点外交的基本特点包括:坚持通过对话和谈判和平解决国际争端;倡导多边主义,重视联合国在维护世界和平中的作用;重视通过大国之间的协调和沟通,化解矛盾,凝聚共识;强调通过经济合作和发展援助,为和平解决争端营造环境;从国际道义出发,尊重相关各方合理的利益关切.中国热点外交的核心理念是追求和平、合作共赢、和谐包容.中国热点外交的意义主要体现为:热点外交是我国外交政策基本原则的继承与发展,向世界昭示了中国走和平发展道路和推进和谐世界建设的坚定信念;热点外交有助于塑造中国负责任大国的国际形象,有利于增强中国的软实力;热点外交有助于促进中国在国际体系转型过程中发挥建设性作用.     

第二次朝鲜核危机

朝美核问题日益升级。美要朝放弃核计划,朝要美提供安全保证。现双方互不信任,但谈判的可能性是存在的。朝坚持由朝美双边解决核问题,美则主张多边会谈,最近双方态度略有松动。朝核问题有望和平解决,但也不排除发生冲突的可能。朝核问题如何解决对于朝鲜半岛和东北亚地区形势都会产生重要影响。     

美国构建东北亚安全机制的设想

2002年10月,因美国和朝鲜的“核项目”谈判破裂引发了第二次朝核危机。①这次危机在某种程度上加速了重建冷战后东北亚安全秩序的进程。它既对东北亚各国提出了严峻挑战,又为东北亚地区合作,特别是多边安全机制的建立注入了“催化剂”。随着朝核问题逐步纳入和平解决轨道以及“     

“六方会谈”机制对朝核危机的作用及影响

朝核问题六方会谈是专门为解决朝鲜核问题而设计的,从2003年8月开始,六轮正式会谈创造了一个和平解决国际争端的新的案例经验,使朝鲜免遭美国的打击,为和平解决朝核问题开辟了一条新路。但朝鲜半岛无核化问题迄今仍未得到解决,未来的出路是尽快说服美国、朝鲜回归六方会谈,在“谈”的过程中加强各方之间的政策协调与共识。     

国际法院咨询管辖权的职能

国际法院的管辖权包括诉讼管辖权和咨询管辖权。作为诉讼管辖权的补充, 咨询管辖权 在通过司法途径和平解决国际争端方面发挥着重要作用。从国际法院咨询管辖权职能来看, 其既 具有一定的局限性, 同时又对国际法发展做出了一定的贡献。     

国际法院咨询管辖权的职能

国际法院的管辖权包括诉讼管辖权和咨询管辖权。作为诉讼管辖权的补充, 咨询管辖权 在通过司法途径和平解决国际争端方面发挥着重要作用。从国际法院咨询管辖权职能来看, 其既 具有一定的局限性, 同时又对国际法发展做出了一定的贡献。     

和平解决国际危机的谈判初探

和平解决国际危机的谈判初探郑剑国际危机是当代国际社会的一个普遍现象，寻求危机的和平解决，是爱好和平的国家和人民的根本愿望。探讨和平解决危机的方法，具有十分重要的现实意义。解决国际危机的方法，从大的方面讲，无非是软硬两手。而当代国际危机的实践证明，谈判...     

绑架问题与日朝关系

最近几年,由于日本和朝鲜在绑架日本人问题上严重对立,使得原本紧张的两国关系更是雪上加霜。日朝两国在绑架问题上坚持各自立场,最根本的分歧在于双方在政治、安全和战略利益方面的巨大差异。日本方面热炒绑架问题,可谓是一石两鸟。日本以防范"来自朝鲜的威胁"为由,不断强化日美同盟和增加军事实力,使军事能力在国家发展战略中的位置和作用不断提升。同时,绑架问题还是日方手中最为重要的筹码,在日朝关系正常化谈判中可以与朝方抗衡,甚至可以对冲朝方提出的"清算殖民统治的历史,进行赔偿"的要求,争取谈判主导权。     

朝核问题中的美国“二轨外交”

“二轨外交”是与政府存在一定联系的社会知识精英层进行的“半官方”外交活动，在一定程度上代表着政府的政策取向并对政府决策产生较重要的影响。在朝核危机持续10多年的过程中，以美国前总统卡特、美国专家代表团访朝等为代表的“二轨外交”实践，为美朝双方的交流沟通提供了新的渠道，对于缓和危机，推动朝核问题良性发展发挥了重要作用，也为解决棘手的国际争端提供了很好借鉴。     

Endgame at the Kennedy round: A case study of multilateral economic diplomacy

During the details stage of multilateral economic talks, agreements are usually negotiated using a combination of two methods - compromise on individual issues and tit-for-tat exchanges. This article identifies the circumstances in which the the US, EEC and British delegations employed these traditional diplomatic techniques, and assesses the effectiveness of these techniques in forging agreement in the details stage of the Kennedy Round, Providing a detailed account of these talks, the article demonstrates that the negotiating techniques of the American delegation were far more flexible than those of the European and British delegations and that this flexibility was vital to the successful completion of the talks. The article concludes that differences in negotiating technique are best explained by a combination of two factors - the contrasting decision making structures of each negotiating team and the international political context of the negotiations.     

Endgame at the Kennedy round: A case study of multilateral economic diplomacy

During the details stage of multilateral economic talks, agreements are usually negotiated using a combination of two methods ‐ compromise on individual issues and tit‐for‐tat exchanges. This article identifies the circumstances in which the the US, EEC and British delegations employed these traditional diplomatic techniques, and assesses the effectiveness of these techniques in forging agreement in the details stage of the Kennedy Round, Providing a detailed account of these talks, the article demonstrates that the negotiating techniques of the American delegation were far more flexible than those of the European and British delegations and that this flexibility was vital to the successful completion of the talks. The article concludes that differences in negotiating technique are best explained by a combination of two factors ‐ the contrasting decision making structures of each negotiating team and the international political context of the negotiations.     

俄罗斯气候政策转型的驱动因素及国际影响分析

作为世界第三大温室气体排放国和世界最大能源出口国,俄罗斯在国际气候协议谈判中的地位极其重要。自从梅德韦杰夫总统上任以来,俄罗斯政府一改过去的冷漠态度,在国内和国际两个层面采取了一系列行动,在应对气候变化问题上表现出积极的政治姿态,被国际社会解读为俄罗斯的气候政策出现了惊人的转型。分析俄罗斯气候政策转型的各种驱动因素以及由此带来的国际影响,对研究未来国际气候体制的发展趋势具有重要意义。     

Chinazambia and Boliviafranca: A Simulation of Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy

Despite a longstanding focus on the systemic distribution of power in the study of international relations, scholarship during the past 20 years increasingly emphasizes the role of domestic politics in foreign-policy-decision making. This simulation enables participants to experience negotiating an international issue—a territorial dispute between two fictitious states, Chinazambia and Boliviafranca—in the context of this "two-level game" between domestic and international environments. The simulation furnishes a vantage point from which students can assess realist, liberal, and alternative theoretical perspectives on international relations as they affect policy making. The simulation is flexible and can be executed under a variety course contexts, as well as time and participation constraints. Additionally, the simulation provides ample opportunity for a number of enriching postsimulation activities.     

The Short‐Term Effects of Mediation on Low‐Intensity Civil Wars

International diplomacy, to the extent it is effective, should not only prevent escalation of low‐intensity conflict, but should also facilitate de‐escalation. This article focuses on the short‐term effects of managing low‐intensity civil wars through third‐party mediation. Specifically, we compare the efficacy of third party‐mediated direct (face‐to‐face) and indirect talks in low‐intensity civil wars from 1993 to 2004 using the Managing Intrastate Low‐Intensity Conflict data set. We argue that a focus on short‐term success is valid because of the relationship among mediation, short‐term success, humanitarian aid access, and peacebuilding. We also assess the roles of mediator identity, mediation strategy (behavior focus versus incompatibility focus), peace agreements, war type, per capita gross domestic product, level of democracy, and conflict duration. Our overarching finding is that direct forms of mediation in which all parties meet face to face were the most likely to yield short‐term success in the sample of civil wars that we analyzed.     

Immovable Positions: Public Acknowledgment and Bargaining in Military Basing Negotiations

Why might public acknowledgment of cooperative security negotiations generate bargaining constraints that provoke stalemate? Previous scholarship points to aroused public opinion. Yet in many cases where hard-line bargaining stances develop and talks collapse following public acknowledgment, it is not domestic political pressures that tie leaders’ hands. This article examines instead an international constraint attendant to publicity: opposition by third-party states. I argue that international power position shapes the balance of vulnerability between the negotiating parties to abandonment and entanglement. The act of official acknowledgment can constrain the more vulnerable partner by enabling third-party states to credibly scrutinize its intentions. By threatening strained relations, such scrutiny can create a security dilemma that reduces the weaker partner's bargaining range to a choice between cooperation on its terms and noncooperation. I evaluate this argument by studying foreign military basing negotiations. Statistical analyses and a comparative case study produce strong support for my argument.     

韩国在六方会谈中的多重平衡外交

朝核六方会谈对韩国的国家利益利害关系重大,韩国的应对策略也最为复杂和微妙。韩国既要顾及短期安全利益与长远民族利益之间的平衡,又要弥合国内政治力量之间的政策分歧,并竭力避免其对北政策与对美政策之间出现零和局面,同时还需兼顾联盟政策及其东北亚地缘战略之间的平衡,因此六方会谈事实上成为韩国实施多重平衡外交的一个重要契机。目前来看,这种复杂的平衡外交方针基本是成功的,然而其最终政策效果尚待进一步观察。     

Marching Down the Garvaghy Road: Republican Tactics and State Response to the Orangemen's Claim to March their Traditional Route Home after the Drumcree Church Service

This study outlines the background and circumstances of the dispute over the Orange Order's claim to the right to parade down the Garvaghy Road after their annual Drumcree church service. This dispute has soured community relations in Northern Ireland and caused deep embarrassment to the British government, Unionists and many other groups for over five years now. However, it is the analysis of this article that such embarrassment and bad community relations was the desired outcome for one of the major participants in the dispute, the Republicans. It is argued that they deliberately set about conducting protests against Orange parades in the most confrontational manner possible. Their aim was to create a substitute for bombs and guns, an ongoing form of violence which they could use for political advantage during the talks known as the peace process. Whilst there is undoubtedly a long-established degree of nationalist resentment against the Orange Order on which Republicans were able to play, the open confrontations on the Garvaghy Road in recent years took much deliberate manipulation to become the violent clashes of today. The dispute is thus an example of terrorist tactics in which conventional terrorist violence is replaced by street violence. It is also an example of a case in which a weak and uncomprehending state made matters worse by trying to bargain with the perpetrators of violence.     

Is there a “Depth versus Participation” dilemma in international cooperation?

Much of the International Relations literature assumes that there is a “depth versus participation” dilemma in international politics: shallower international agreements attract more countries and greater depth is associated with less participation. We argue that this conjecture is too simple and probably misleading because the depth of any given cooperative effort is in fact multidimensional. This multidimensionality manifests itself in the design characteristics of international agreements: in particular, the specificity of obligations, monitoring and enforcement mechanisms, dispute settlement mechanisms, positive incentives (assistance), and organizational structures (secretariats). We theorize that the first three of these design characteristics have negative and the latter three have positive effects on participation in international cooperative efforts. Our empirical testing of these claims relies on a dataset that covers more than 200 global environmental treaties. We find a participation-limiting effect for the specificity of obligations, but not for monitoring and enforcement. In contrast, we observe that assistance provisions in treaties have a significant and substantial positive effect on participation. Similarly, dispute settlement mechanisms tend to promote treaty participation. The main implication of our study is that countries do not appear to stay away from agreements with monitoring and enforcement provisions, but that the inclusion of positive incentives and dispute settlement mechanisms can promote international cooperation. In other words, our findings suggest that policymakers do not necessarily need to water down global treaties in order to obtain more participation.     

Municipal Leadership of Climate Adaptation Negotiations: Effective Tools and Strategies in Houston and Fort Lauderdale

Negotiation analysis of climate change–related issues has largely focused on public dispute resolution mechanisms that are typically applied in the face of specific environmental crises, or on multiparty diplomacy relating to international climate agreements. Mayors and other municipal leaders, however, are increasingly taking steps to negotiate urban planning efforts with stakeholders to implement policies for managing the intensifying impact of climate change. In this article, we analyze negotiations in Houston, Texas, and Fort Lauderdale, Florida, to identify which methods municipal leaders employed to conduct negotiations to implement climate adaptation policies and also consider whether those methods were effective. The two cities present two differing city management structures: Houston has a strong mayor‐driven system, while Fort Lauderdale uses a city commission and city manager system. In this article, we examine the barriers that leaders must overcome and consider their options for negotiating lasting agreements.