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1.
The following article investigates the state of Mozambique's political economy 20 years after the end of its civil war between FRELIMO and RENAMO, in 1992. This paper is written from the theoretical perspectives of growing criticism of the neo-liberal assumptions that underlie development policy and places the analysis of Mozambique's economic growth and development within the field of development studies as they are played out in African realities. Mozambique is viewed by the donor community and multilateral institutions as a success story of postwar construction, yet a closer look at the development outcomes in Mozambique calls this conclusion into question. The paper found that, despite improvements in reducing the number of people living in poverty between 1992 and 2012, hunger persists and malnutrition and diseases such as malaria, HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis are on the increase. The author concludes that global governance reforms that take cognisance of Mozambique's and indeed Africa's governance challenges are needed to forge a development paradigm relevant for Africa.  相似文献   

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Major Jarvis 《亚洲事务》2013,44(1):91-109

Portrait of the Dalai Lama. By Sir Charles Bell, K.C.I.E., C.M.G. Pp. 414. 49 illustrations. 2 maps. William Collins. 1946. 21s.

Rural Education and Welfare in the Middle East. By H. B. Allen. H.M. Stationery Office, is. 6d.

Nisi Dominus : A Survey of the Palestine Controversy. By Nevill Barbour. Pp. 248; 3 maps. Harrap and Co. 8s. 6d.

The Palestine Problem. By Lieut.‐Colonel R. B. Williams‐Thompson. Four maps. Demy 8vo. Andrew Melrose, Ltd. 1946. 12s. 6d.

Syria. By Robin Fedden. Robert Hale. Pp. 287; 32 illustrations. 1946. 21s. net.

Arabia Ph?nix. By Gerald de Gaury. Pp. 169; 64 illustrations. Harrap. 1946. 10s. 6d.

New Yezidi Texts from Beled Sihjar, ‘Iraq. By Anis Frayha. Reprint from Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 66, No. 1. 1946.

Twin Rivers. By Seton Lloyd. Pp. 230; 12 illustrations; 4 maps. Oxford University Press. 1945. 10s. 6d.

Four Studies in Loyalty. Christopher Sykes. Pp. 224. Collins. 12s. 6d.

Indian Route March. By Louis Hagen. 7½”×5”. Pp. 192. Pilot Press, Ltd. 1946. 7s. 6d. net.

Asiatic Jones. The life and influence of Sir William Jones (1746–1794). Pioneer of Indian studies. By A. J. Arberry, Litt.D. 1946. Published for the British Council by Longmans, Green and Co., Ltd. Pp. 39; 9 illustrations; bibliography.

Introduction to the Study of the Hindu Doctrines. By René Guénon. Translated by Marco Pallis. Pp. 351. Luzac and Co. 1946. 12s. 6d.

Man and His Becoming according to the Vedanta. By René Guénon. Translated by Richard C. Nicholson. Pp. 188. Luzac and Co. 1945. 12s. 6d.

China—Tibet—Assam. By Colonel F. M. Bailey. Large Cr. 8vo. Cape. 10s. 6d.

Plant‐Hunting in China. By E. H. M. Cox. Pp. 230; 24 illustrations; maps. Collins. 1945. 12s. 6d.

Pacific Victory. A short history of Australia's part in the war against Japan. By Hugh Buggy. 5¼” × 8¼”. Pp. 302. Australian Ministry of Information. 1946.

The Far East Must Be Understood. By H. van Straelen. Pp. 150. Luzac and Co. 1946. 10s. 6d.  相似文献   

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Phil Deans 《East Asia》2007,24(3):269-294
The Yasukuni Shrine is a site of contested nationalist politics in Japan and in neighbouring countries. Within Japan the status of the Shrine exists in a tension between public and private and religious and secular meanings. These tensions are given a specific focus in the context of the visits to the Shrine by Japanese Prime Ministers. The history of such visits is discussed and analysed, with particular attention given to the causes and consequences of the visits by Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro between 2001 and 2006. It is argued that the controversies over the visits in Japan and elsewhere are best understood in the context of ‘revisionist nationalism’ in Japan. The reactions and nationalist problematics of the PRC and Taiwan with regard to the Yasukuni Shrine are then elaborated and analysed.
Phil DeansEmail:

Phil Deans   is Professor of International Affairs, Assistant Dean for Undergraduate Programs and Director of Research at Temple University’s Japan Campus. He has a BA and PhD from the University of Newcastle upon Tyne and is completing the MBA in HE Management at the University of London. Before joining Temple he was Senior Lecturer in Chinese Politics and Director of the Contemporary China Institute at SOAS, University of London. His main research interests are in Sino-Japanese relations, with particular reference to the Japan-Taiwan relationship. He is currently researching the impact of changing nationalist dynamics in East Asia on Sino-Japanese relations. In addition to journal articles and chapters in edited books he is the author of Virtual Diplomacy: Japan-Taiwan relations since 1972 (forthcoming) and is co-editor (with Hugo Dobson) of Postage Stamps as Socio-Political Artefacts (Transaction, forthcoming).  相似文献   

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This article examines the conflict between the American Congress and Presidency in US trade embargo policy during the Truman and Reagan years. After reviewing two cases of legislative‐executive confrontation over trade embargoes against the Soviet Union in the late‐1940s and early‐1950s and South Africa in the 1980s, it concludes that Congress has been successful in modifying presidential policy‐making that it believes does not serve the national interest. This is due to its powerful position in the American political process as the initiator of legislation. Its law making powers have allowed it to review executive foreign policy decisions forcing the Presidency to change its approach to particular policy concerns.  相似文献   

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Aakriti Tandon 《圆桌》2016,105(1):57-65
Prime Minister Modi’s administration has renewed emphasis on highlighting India’s soft power resources such as yoga, democratic values, spirituality, etc. Modi has also launched an aggressive public relations and marketing campaign to boost India’s economic growth. This article examines the role and importance of soft power resources in Modi’s foreign policy. The author argues that Modi is applying a two-pronged strategy of simultaneously adopting an aggressive sales pitch to boost India’s economic growth and leveraging India’s soft power to mitigate potential threats emanating from the country’s growing hard power. While soft power resources generally supplement a state’s hard power towards achieving foreign policy goals, Modi is using India’s soft power to draw attention away from the state’s rising military power. While India is enhancing its existing military power, Modi is engaging India’s neighbours and other great powers to ensure that its rise is intended to be peaceful, non-threatening and entirely benevolent. This is in stark contrast to how Asian states as well as the world perceive China’s rise. This article also questions the effectiveness of this strategy and predicts that this strategy should bode well for India in maintaining its international reputation and relationships.  相似文献   

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Yoo  Chan Yul 《East Asia》2008,25(3):293-316
Today, Northeast Asia’s security situation is changing rapidly. North Korea is reviving and China’s power is growing at an alarming rate. While the U.S. continues to suffer diplomatically and militarily in the Middle East and from international terrorism, China’s and North Korea’s power is likely to futher increase, polarizing the Northeast Asian security structure, with South Korea, Japan (and Taiwan) all allied with the U.S. versus North Korea allied with China. The liberal democracies should pursue peace with North Korea and China to preclude the situation from aggravating, but should be ready in the longer term to meet, in diverse ways including strengthening their alliances, the challenges posed by rising powers.
Chan Yul YooEmail:
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Summary

This article examines the successive stages in the conflict between Prussian particularism and royal centralism after the separation of the Prussian League from the Teutonic Order and incorporation into the Polish Crown in 1454. The Incorporation Privilege, though interpreted on the one side as a purely personal union and on the other as a real incorporation, remained a point of reference regulating the public and legal relationship between Royal Prussia and Crown Poland for three centuries. It is argued that the years up to 1526 can be considered as a period of consolidation of Prussian particularism and autonomy, although from the 1510s a new policy of participation was beginning to emerge in the Estates, reflecting the interests of the Prussian nobility and their increasing expression in the political arena.  相似文献   

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Stephanie Lawson, Professor of International Relations at the University of East Anglia in Norwich, UK, considers the role that the concept of “culture” has come to assume in the study of international politics, especially in relation to the Asia‐Pacific region. Much of the cultural nationalist rhetoric associated with the “Nihonjinron” as well as discourses surrounding the “new Asianism” has had two main consequences. One has been to reinforce static perceptions of culture as a marker of essential difference. On the other hand, some obvious instrumental uses to which it has been put by some political elites in the region has generated a great deal of cynicism about the concept. Taking culture seriously requires a different approach—one which stresses the dynamic properties of culture and its potential role in transcending the “East‐West” divide. The original version of this paper was presented at the Nissan Institute of Japanese Studies, St. Antony's College, Oxford, on 29 November 1998.  相似文献   

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The article offers a fresh perspective on the critical significance of ratifying the Treaty of Alliance between Great Britain and Irak (the 1922 Anglo-Iraq Treaty) for British policy on Iraq, and for that country’s evolution from mandated territory to independent state. In contrast with existing accounts, it considers the treaty primarily in the context of domestic tensions over Britain’s future role. The strength of the ‘Quit Mesopotamia (subsequently Iraq)’ movement in Britain meant that Iraqi failure to ratify could have led to British withdrawal from Iraq, with far-reaching implications for the region. The article also reveals for the first time the considerable contribution to securing ratification made by the British representative on the ground, the High Commissioner, Sir Henry Dobbs. He took full advantage of distance to make decisions and act in line with his own, not London’s approach. The source for these new perspectives is Sir Henry Dobbs’ recently discovered letters and private papers—never previously available to historians.  相似文献   

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Abstract

Following the AKP’s victory in the 2002 general elections, ‘conservative democracy’ has emerged as a trademark in Turkish politics, focusing on cosmopolitanism and European integration. In the late 2000s, the party’s favourite notion was ‘advanced democracy’, this time underlining Turkey’s leadership claim in the region and displaying a more critical approach to ‘Europe’. In this paper, I aim to show how different narratives on ‘Europe’ emerged within the context of these empty signifiers. The paper claims that the difference in the two narratives on ‘Europe’ in two different periods does not point to a complete and fully fledged de-Europeanisation trend.  相似文献   

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The emergence of a born-free South African generation holds significant implications for voter turnout. At the macro level, the youth bulge has changed aggregate turnout patterns, supporting Franklin’s [(2004). Voter turnout and the dynamics of electoral competition in established democracies since 1945. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press] argument that demographics shifts produce changes in aggregate political behaviour even when individuals do not change their behaviour. At the micro level, born-free South Africans exhibit attitudinal and cognitive differences from their older, partisan-led counterparts when deciding to vote, lending some support to Dalton’s [(1984). Cognitive mobilization and partisan dealignment in advanced industrial democracies. The Journal of Politics, 46(1), 264–284] cognitive mobilisation thesis.  相似文献   

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Chapter 7 of the NDP 2030 articulates a foreign policy vision for South Africa over two decades. While the NDP acknowledges the place of ‘soft power’ in realising this vision, it remains doubtful whether South Africa will indeed take advantage of the enormous gains offered by soft power as a foreign policy lever. This paper examines the role of soft power in achieving the foreign policy mandates prescribed in the Plan. It argues that, like other regional powers such as China, South Africa needs to pay more attention to its soft power attributes if it is to fast-track the successful implementation of its foreign policy ambitions for 2030. We conclude that sustaining South Africa’s rising position and influence in the international system and in Africa, will largely depend on its ability to consciously adjust its foreign policy trajectories – in the long term – in tandem with its soft power resources and competences.  相似文献   

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In 1920 the British government of Palestine sent six officers to establish a British presence in Transjordan. Lacking military and financial support, they could not possibly control a country populated by more than 200,000 tribespeople, many of them members of powerful tribal confederacies. The key to explaining why the British chose this unorthodox way to takeover a new territory lies in the special attitude towards Arabia entertained by the British following World War One. British policy derived from an alleged cultural affinity between the British and the ‘Bedouin’, coupled with a colonial tradition of attributing British administrators with a ‘natural’ ability to rule over natives. These two myths gave the British an inflated belief in their ability to rule local society. Drawing on official reports, private papers and local accounts, this article shows that the British grossly misunderstood local conditions and could not deal with the tribal communities that frustrated their attempt to assert British influence.  相似文献   

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