The unheeded present and the impossible future: temporalities of relocation after Typhoon Haiyan

Recovery plans were developed for both the Philippines and Tacloban City in particular. They framed Haiyan as a climate change emergency, and sought to respond to future risks to the city and country. This focus on future recovery came at the expense of attention to the transitional needs of those worst affected by the Typhoon. International humanitarian organizations were co-opted into the government’s refusal of transitional assistance to Tacloban City shoreline residents. This was because they construed their mandate of apolitical assistance in a particular way. An alternative framing of emergency deployed by a local organization produced a very different result. In order to respond to the range of temporal needs in post-disaster situations, humanitarian actors need to be cognizant of the range of epistemic frameworks available to them.     

Typhoon Haiyan: pushing the limits of resilience? The effect of land inequality on resilience and disaster risk reduction policies in the Philippines

Disaster risk reduction has been an important priority in the Philippines for the last twenty years. Yet Typhoon Haiyan still resulted in at least 6000 deaths and affected more than 14 million people. Why was this the case in a country supposedly well equipped to respond to natural disasters? While there are several explanations, including the sheer scale of this typhoon, corruption, and implementation challenges, this paper focuses on growing social and economic inequalities. This paper argues that the resilience discourse and framework at the national level do not translate into programs that help lift people out of poverty, particularly landless people. This is because state-led resilience policies focus on technical aspects of recovery rather than the root cause of vulnerabilities, explaining to some extent the high level of casualties in the wake of typhoon Haiyan. Evidence supporting this argument is drawn from more than forty interviews between 2013 and 2015 with disaster victims and professionals involved in resilience building.     

The impact of remittances and equivalence scales on poverty in Tajikistan

The aim of this paper is to study the impact of remittances from labour migrants on welfare, as well as the impact of the use of equivalence scales on poverty, in Tajikistan. The magnitude of remittances sent back is fairly well known from official statistics (e.g. the amount of remittances is regularly monitored by the balance of payment at the Central Bank). In 2009 a change in the flow of money from abroad occurred, and volumes dropped, but it was unknown to what extent; its impact on poverty is still officially unknown. This paper describes a project aimed at conducting a survey to investigate this impact. It would not be possible to do this kind of analysis with a traditional sample survey, since it would generate only a small selection of migrant households. Instead, the new Migration, Remittances and Poverty Survey was used, which was conducted by the Tajik State Statistical Office in August 2010 using an adaptive sampling design from a set of enumeration areas selected mainly from the 2009 Integrated Household Budget Survey (IHBS) and showing households with remittances. To evaluate the impact of equivalence scales on poverty measures, new scales have been estimated on the basis of consumption expenditure from the 2009 IHBS.     

金融危机影响下的菲律宾经济

本文讨论了亚洲金融危机对菲律宾经济带来的种种影响并对今年菲经济快速复苏所面临的困难作了分析。主要观点是：金融危机对菲经济的影响虽未及泰、马和印尼重，但仍然是严重的、多方面的。由于受到多方面因素的制约，今年菲经济的复苏将是缓慢的、渐进的。     

Globalization and Migration: The Impact of Family Remittances in Latin America

Taking as its point of departure the relationship between migration and globalization, this article highlights the salience of remittances in the national economies of Latin America, especially Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean. It looks at the various actors that participate in the transfer of remittances and suggests that incorporating migrant labor dynamics as a category of economic integration will reveal a distinct landscape in the economies of Latin America.     

Constructing reconstruction,territorializing risk: imposing “no-build zones” in post-disaster reconstruction in Tacloban City,Philippines

Analysis of post-disaster reconstruction of urban areas has largely been understood as a function of technocratic and institutionalist paradigms, while critical perspectives have been largely influenced by the analysis of “disaster capitalism.” Common to these paradigms is little analysis of state attempts to deploy power over a population through controlling space in urban areas. This paper examines the strategies of internal territorialization undertaken by the Philippines state in post-Haiyan reconstruction polices. Drawing on data from Tacloban City, I show how bourgeois environmentalist and urban ecological security approaches exclude the urban poor from undertaking reconstruction in coastal communities. Discourses of cleanliness and securing the population of the city have accompanied material practices that enforce state territorialization in the city. These processes of state territorialization exclude those residing in risk prone zones from various forms of aid and relief. This paper concludes by highlighting processes of territorialization that have generated conflict in the city, as poor residents engage in forms of counter-territorialization to assert their space in the city.     

From Patrimonialism to Profit: The Changing Flow of Funds from the Chinese in Malaysia to China

ABSTRACT

Unlike the period before World War II, the Malaysian Chinese no longer look towards China as a home they will ultimately return to. This is seen in the flow of funds to China from the Malaysian Chinese. Before the war the motivation was patrimonial. The funds were in the form of patriotic bonds and collections and remittances that went to the home provinces of the Malaysian Chinese mostly in Fujian and Guangdong. Since the 1990s the funds flow has mainly been in the form of investment meant for gaining profit. This motivation was not different from that of business investors from other nations investing in China. It is important to demonstrate this motivation in order to allay suspicions by indigenous Southeast Asians that the Chinese who live in Southeast Asia are diverting funds meant for Southeast Asia to China.     

对战后菲律宾森林政策的全面解读——评包茂红《森林与发展:菲律宾森林滥伐研究(1946—1995)》

包茂红先生撰写的《森林与发展:菲律宾森林滥伐研究(1946—1995)》,从战后菲律宾政治、经济、社会与森林互动共生的角度,全面展示了菲律宾森林生态发展的曲折历史,是当前环境史研究的优秀史著。作者用跨学科的方法具体而系统地研究了菲律宾历史上森林滥伐的原因、过程及其影响,从不同于西方和菲律宾学者的视角,给出了新的超越以前二元对立的更为全面的解释模式。     

ADVOCATING FOR SRI LANKAN MIGRANT WORKERS

Nearly a million Sri Lankan women labor overseas as migrant workers, the vast majority in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries in West Asia. They are poorly paid and vulnerable to a wide variety of exploitative labor practices at home and abroad. Despite the importance of worker remittances to Sri Lanka's national economy, and in spite of the nation's history of organized labor and active political participation, migrants have received only anemic support from the state, labor unions, feminist organizations, and migrant-oriented nongovernmental organizations. The article contextualizes Sri Lankan migration within larger-scale economic dynamics (such as global capitalist policies and processes) and local-level ideological formations (such as local political histories and culturally shaped gender norms). The author argues that political freedoms in destination countries have a significant effect on organizing activities in both host and sending nations. Comparing the Sri Lankan and Philippine situations, the author contends that the vibrant activism in the Philippines correlates with the liberal organizing climates in the European Union and in East and Southeast Asia, while the paucity of organizing in Sri Lanka correlates with the strict repression of guest workers in the GCC. Compared to other destinations, the GCC countries give workers (particularly women) less chance for autonomous activities, are less open to labor organizing, and are less responsive to political protest.     

Foreign Labor Migration and the Remittance Economy of Nepal

Official statistics seriously underestimate the number of Nepali migrant workers abroad and both the volume and value of remittances flowing back into Nepal from those workers. Original research by the authors suggests that many migrant workers abroad are working illegally and unofficially, and that the bulk of remittances also flow back into Nepal informally and illegally. The scale of remittances, consequently, is at least ten times greater than official estimates indicate (equal to 13 percent of GDP) and quite possibly twenty times greater (equal to 25 percent of GDP). This indicates the need for a thorough reconsideration of Nepal's balance of payments. The authors illustrate how remittances flow back into Nepal unevenly, contributing to growing inequalities, both between regions and between social classes.     

Collective Remittances and Migrant‐State Collaboration in Mexico and El Salvador

As part of an emerging research agenda on the political impact of remittances in high‐migration countries, this article explores the conditions under which organized migrants are likely to engage in transnational public‐private partnerships with their home governments through a comparison of Mexico and El Salvador. Both countries have well‐organized migrants who have cofinanced community projects back home. But this collaboration has been more sustained, multifaceted, and negotiated in Mexico than in El Salvador. These outcomes are linked to four factors: the density and type of migrant organizations, the territorial distribution of state authority and resources, the extent and nature of diaspora outreach, and legacies of state‐society relations. The article discusses how this framework might be applied to other high‐migration countries and whether there is room for agency in creating more favorable conditions for migrant‐state collaboration.     

American neo-colonialism in the Philippines

Abstract

This is one of those rare books that are small in size but heavy in substance and should be read and studied widely. It presents a well-documented indictment of American neocolonialist imperialism in the Philippines since its independence in 1946. Several earlier works have described in detail the classical form of American imperialism in the Philippines through military conquest and direct colonial rule and have helped suggest a close parallel between the conduct of the Philippine-American war and the American-Vietnamese war. However, America's continuing, pervasive domination of Philippine national life since 1946 has not been well appreciated except by a few perceptive and persistent observers of the Philippine scene. The neocolonial status of the Philippines in relation to the United States has generally remained concealed behind the facade of Philippine “independence” and “sovereignty.” Filipino presidents and other members of the Philippine establishment have helped hide the truth by proclaiming pro-Americanism as the cornerstone of their policy. President Manuel Roxas in 1946 not only vindicated American rule over the Philippines by expressing gratitude for Dewey's victory over the Spanish forces in 1898, but also affirmed close alignment with the United States in foreign affairs. This has meant that not only did the Philippines refuse to affirm Afro-Asian solidarity but, worse, it often took a simulated “initiative” in putting forth proposals designed to subserve American cold war interests. One example was the proposed Pacific Pact of 1950, calculated to stem Chinese communist “expansion.” Close alignment with the United States discredited the Philippines as odd-man-out in Asia. In the Philippines itself, the perpetuation of American dominance had tragic effects for the Filipino people and the Philippine nation-state. Foreign observers, especially from non-aligned countries, were puzzled and angered by the pro-Americanism of Philippine foreign policy. Filipinos themselves vented their frustration and fury in an intellectual, nationalist outburst against the lingering “colonial mentality.”     

菲律宾"安蒂波罗女神"信仰与"妈祖"信仰对比研究

菲律宾是一个海岛国家,在不同的历史时期形成了不同形式的海上信仰形式,其中之一就是安蒂波罗女神信仰.本文主要分为三个部分.第一部分介绍了安蒂波罗女神信仰的形成过程,第二部分运用功能主义学派的观点分析了这一民间信仰形式在菲律宾社会中三个方面的功能.第三部分对比安蒂波罗女神信仰和福建妈祖信仰在社会功能、形成过程、表现形式等方面的异同.在对比研究的基础上,笔者强调功能的相似性决定了文化形式的相似性.     

Migration from Bangladesh: Impulses,Risks and Exploitations

Migration and emigration from Bangladesh is a pervasive phenomenon. Historically, large-scale migration from the region constituting the present Bangladesh started after tea plantations were introduced to Assam by the British in the early 19th century. Gradually, the number of migrants from this region increased due to geographic location, climate change and poverty. Over the years, there has been a change in the gender pattern of migration, where the proportion of female migrants has increased significantly. These migrants play a significant role in the Bangladesh economy, as remittances constituted about 8.21% of gross domestic product in 2014. This article examines why, despite the many dangers that the migrants face, including violence in the host countries and exploitation by their ‘masters’, the number of migrants from Bangladesh continues to rise constantly.     

Social Capital,Migration and Development in the Valles Centrales of Oaxaca,Mexico: Non‐Migrants and Communities of Origin Matter

This article investigates the importance of place‐of‐origin communities to an understanding of the impact of migrant remittances on local development, employing the concept of social capital. Two aspects of social capital (each present prior to migration) are shown to be of significance–family relationships and community organisation. Drawing on recent research in two peasant communities in Oaxaca, Mexico, social capital is used to examine the relevance of non‐migrants in shaping the outcomes of migration in communities of origin. Evaluation of migrant remittances and home‐town associations demonstrates the developmental significance of non‐migrants and communities of origin.     

中国南海断续线:产生的背景及其效用

中国南海断续线是在1933年法国占领南沙九小岛、二战后法同继续占领西沙群岛,以及菲律宾企图把南沙群岛并入其国防范围内的背景下产生的,其目的是,向世界公布中国在南海的管辖范围,维护中国在南海的领土主权.在1951年<旧金山对日和约>草案中,美英故意不提西沙群岛和南沙群岛的主权归还问题,为以后的南海领土争端埋下了祸根.在这种情况下,南海断续线起到了一定的效用,它不仅反映_r南海诸岛是在中国领土范围内的历史事实,而且是对<旧金山对日和约>领土处理的否定.     

India’s Experience with Remittances: a Critical Analysis

India has been the highest recipient of workers’ remittances for the past several years. Remittances have had a multiplier effect on the Indian economy and have played a crucial role in the economies of several Indian states like Kerala, Goa, Punjab and Gujarat. However, the absence of a coherent policy framework on dealing with these remittances has not only impeded their optimum utilisation but also led to certain negative impacts in India. If harnessed productively, through institutional backing, remittances can actually become viable instruments for creating alternative livelihoods and sustainable development in the rural areas of the country.     

非政府组织与菲律宾族群冲突的解决

各种因素使得困扰菲律宾多时的族群冲突迟迟得不到彻底的解决,这严重影响了菲律宾政治、经济与社会的发展.市民社会健康、和谐的发展不仅可以减少发生族群冲突的可能性,也会在缓和已有冲突并最终建立持久和平方面有所贡献.菲律宾的非政府组织在这方面做了许多尝试.     

试论当代菲律宾国内的三种政治形态

菲律宾在向现代国家转变的过程中,形成了三种特殊的政治形态.一是传统庇护制与现代西方民主制相结合的政治庇护制,内部为垂直的金字塔式联结结构,主导其国内政治主流.二是南部以亲缘关系、地域分隔为基础的部族政治,其内部的分裂特质使其在与中央政治庇护制度碰撞结合时,极易诱发部族或家族间的大规模政治仇杀,2009年11月举世震惊的菲律宾政治大屠杀即为明证.三是以水平方向联结为特征的大规模民众政治运动,如三次"人民力量"运动及各种民众组织,由垂直政治庇护网络内部张力而致.分析这三种政治形态间的关系,可更加深入了解菲律宾国内政治全貌.     

菲律宾农业的衰落与政府的对策

菲律宾作为“绿色革命”的策源地之一 ,其农业曾在 60 - 70年代取得过较快的发展。自 70年代初期起 ,政府在土地改革、垄断经营、保护贸易等方面的政策出现了失误 ,降低了农业生产的活力 ,从而使其走向衰落。本文对引起菲律宾农业衰落的原因加以分析探讨 ,并论述近年来政府为振兴农业所采取的举措。