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Whitfield  Stephen J. 《Society》2014,51(5):539-546
Society - No sociological study of the exercise of American power has matched the provocative influence of The Power Elite (1956), which was published when radical criticism of foreign policy was...  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This article is concerned the everyday practices of international humanitarian actors who deliver assistance in armed conflict zones. Drawing on original fieldwork conducted in South Sudan, it elucidates how humanitarian actors engage with the principle of distinction in international humanitarian law (IHL). The article considers how the desire to enforce distinction impacts humanitarian actors’ relationships with others, and introduces the concept of everyday distinction practices. These practices have an important performance component, designed to appease the “phantom local.” It is proposed that such practices may have adverse implications for the humanitarian–beneficiary encounter. By positioning war-affected populations as an audience for distinction, everyday distinction practices reconfigure the victims of war from being receivers of aid to perceivers of aid. By lumping beneficiaries together with armed actors as part of the “phantom local,” distinction practices also paint the victims of war as an object of mistrust, fear, and potential danger.  相似文献   

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The European debt crisis has impacted on electoral politics in most European states, but particularly in the Republic of Ireland. The severe nature of the economic crash and the subsequent application of austerity policies have brought large fluctuations in political support levels, with the three parties that have dominated the state since its foundation – Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and Labour – all being adversely effected. The extent of these changes is highly controlled both by geography and by class, with political allegiances proving to be highly fluid in certain parts of the state. Growing support levels for left wing parties and groupings, but most notably Sinn Fein, appear to be moving Irish politics away from the old “Civil War” style of politics and bringing it more into line with the traditional class cleavage politics of continental Europe.  相似文献   

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Richard M. Cook 《Society》2018,55(6):506-511
This essay describes the eminent Americanist, critic, and New York intellectual, Alfred Kazin’s creation of a Lionel Trilling “character” in his 1978 autobiography, New York Jew, and his use of that character to critique significant features of the country’s Cold War literary culture. Among these are: the narrowing and hardening of intellectual discourse in a cultural-political climate dominated by the “liberal consensus,” the discrediting of the progressive impulse in American writing, the subordination of “class” to “culture” in evaluations of American writers, and the changing status of Jews and Jewish writers in post-war America. Tapping into strong personal feelings, Kazin creates in Trilling a harsh, thoughtful and compelling portrait of an era.  相似文献   

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In several countries, local parties have increased their share of votes in local elections. This development has received limited scholarly attention compared to the immense interest paid to the fates of national level anti-establishment parties. Against this backdrop, we ask if something distinct characterizes those who choose to vote for genuinely local alternatives compared to other anti-establishment voters. Sweden is taken as the case in focus, a country where local parties have grown in numbers and strength throughout the past three decades. We view local parties as a part of a broader ‘anti-establishment’ family, and we explore if their voters a) are similar to those who vote for the most pronounced anti-establishment party in Sweden (Sweden Democrats), or b) if local party voters are a distinct anti-establishment category in their own right. Drawing on a survey data from 49 Swedish municipalities, we find that local party voters indeed distinguish themselves from both Sweden Democrat's voters and voters for the old and established parties, thus making them a distinct anti-establishment voter category of their own. These voters distrust their local politicians but at the same time are civically engaged.  相似文献   

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The article discusses Peter Berger’s suggestion to replace the secularization theory by a “new paradigm” of a double plurality: the plurality of religions and the plurality (rather: polarity) of the religious and the secular sphere. Whether this constitutes a new paradigm seems just as questionable as whether it is a paradigm at all. After having discussed these two questions the article engages with the basic tenets of Berger’s concept by asking whether the paradigm is convincing. The discussion focusses on Berger’s concept of religion, which puts the secular and the religious sphere in opposition to each other – not only in the society but also in the consciousness of the religious subject.  相似文献   

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In 1880, the Tsuu T'ina Nation (then the Sarcee band) staged a small, armed protest known as the ‘Sarcee War’, in Calgary, Alberta, to demand food and a separate reserve from the Siksika, with whom they had been assigned land. This paper argues that this protest reveals the material and political roots of Aboriginal citizenship: a fragmented and differentiated political body, unified through contingent agreements. The Tsuu T'ina actions, the choice of location and their specific demands reveal an assertion of rights that differ from the ‘standard’ idea of Canadian citizenship (then and now) and articulate a complex process of ‘othering’ and belonging.  相似文献   

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Recent declassifications of the official histories of Central Intelligence Agency and National Security Agency activities in the Vietnam War give historians a sharper outline of the overall American intelligence effort in that conflict and a trove of supporting details. While scholars will have to use the new releases with caution, the histories (when combined with appraisals from the Armed Services) offer glimpses of the scale of the US intelligence program and some of the complications that hindered its effectiveness. Two particular features stand out when these materials are viewed in conjunction: the disconnectedness of the various agencies' and Services' efforts from each other (and from decision makers in Washington); and the difficulties that all of them had in working with America's South Vietnamese allies. The picture emerging is thus one of a congeries of largely independent intelligence campaigns working simultaneously against the North Vietnamese and Viet Cong targets. Intelligence miscues did not lose the Vietnam War for the Americans and South Vietnamese, but it now seems clearer that they made victory less likely.  相似文献   

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The downturn of the markets in the recent global economic crisis points to a need to question the current dynamics of the market system, a decade after the turn of the millennium. The inequalities with regard to the consumption of resources across world markets, the declared low satisfaction rates over what is offered in the marketplace, and the increasing skepticism with marketing practices are all more pronounced than ever. It is becoming evident that consumer marketing fails in constructing a happier society. Consumers, producers, and governments as the three main market stakeholders, share responsibility for the undesired consequences. This article provides a critical perspective on the contemporary paradigm that dominates marketing thought in relation to the central role and the evolving meaning of consumption in the market economy that is favored by most governments. The core position of the article is that determining happiness as the ultimate end requires a shift to a new societal orientation for all stakeholders of the market system.  相似文献   

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Jon Gorry 《政治学》2000,20(3):177-183
The greatest virtue of the just war lies in its ability to pass judgement on war (the announced aims) and its conduct (the adopted strategy). But how coherent is this synthesis of ideas that assumes a unity between force, political expediency and morality? Can individual wars be morally assessed, and how useful is the just war in this respect? This article assesses the modern relevance of the tradition before suggesting directions for further research in the light of the recent Kosovo Crisis.  相似文献   

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Journal of Chinese Political Science - This paper uses the SMART Model to analyze the direct economic effects of the US-China tariff war on both China and the US. Based on the three lists of...  相似文献   

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McCoy  Charles S. 《Publius》2001,31(2):1-14
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, many Americanhistorians decided that the accounts by which people in theUnited States understood their past were unrealistic, subjectto romantic distortions, and chauvinistic. Even though somestories were well intentioned, they were false and must be rejected.One well-known example is Parson Weems' story of George Washingtonas a boy cutting down the cherry tree and, when questioned byhis father, saying, "I cannot tell a lie." In the process of"realistic" reinterpretation and muckraking, however, thesehistorians threw out many real babies with the surplus of romanticbath water. A case in point is the tradition of federalism thatshaped American history, permeated the experience of the menwho wrote the United States Constitution, and underlay everyfacet of our social order. The so-called "realists" went toofar and tossed out an important part of the reality that isAmerica. Can the federal tradition be recovered and placed againat the focus of American political thought, or is it a losttradition?  相似文献   

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