Federalism and U.S. Water Policy: Lessons for the Twenty-First Century

This article traces five historical streams of water policyin the United States, revealing the strain and stresses of intergovernmentalrelations pertaining to water resource management. It findsthat water policy is increasingly characterized by pragmaticfederalism emphasizing collaborative partnerships, adaptablemanagement strategies, and problem and process orientation.The evolving nature of federal-state relations, characterizedby expanding federal authorities and increased state capacity,coupled with a rise of local watershed groups and greater ecologicalconcern, calls for improved coordination. Yet challenges resultingfrom policy fragmentation and ecosystem complexity remain. Continuedcalls for greater integration will likely be heard as federal-staterelations continue to evolve.     

From Crisis to Opportunity: Human Resource Challenges for the Public Sector in the Twenty-First Century

A great deal of attention has been focused on the human capital crisis in the public sector since the mid-1990s. Experts and practitioners give many reasons why the current crisis emerged. This article examines the important factors that led to the crisis, what is being done about them through presidential agendas, legislators, oversight agencies, professional societies, and public policy think tanks. Concerns are many in terms of a large number of upcoming retirements, early retirements, unplanned downsizing, difficulty in attracting new generations to public service, and the changing nature of public service. However, the human resource crisis also presents an opportunity to fundamentally change those features of public sector human resource management practices that have become outdated for contemporary organizations and position government agencies for the twenty-first century by meaningfully reforming the civil service. This transformation would require public sector organizations to take a more strategic view of human resource management and to give greater policy attention to human capital issues.     

Civic Engagement in the Twenty-First Century: Toward a Scholarly and Practical Agenda

We understand civic engagement to mean people participating together for deliberation and collective action within an array of interests, institutions and networks, developing civic identity, and involving people in governance processes.     

中国语境中的公共道德与公民道德辨析

公德是一个范围极广的概念,公共道德和公民道德都属于公德范畴,然而,这两个词的含义并不相同。公民道德的培养有赖于公民社会的建立。而公德心却是任何一个形态的社会所必须有的。因此,澄清公民道德和公共道德的含义及其适用范围不仅有利于认清我国目前所存在的公德问题,而且有助于公共道德和公民道德的培养。     

论社会主义核心价值观的道德维度

"社会主义核心价值观"中的"爱国、敬业",从道德维度看,体现了践行社会主义核心价值观要"明大德"的道德要求。"社会主义核心价值观"中的"文明、和谐、友善",从道德维度分析,体现了践行社会主义核心价值观要"守公德"的道德要求。"社会主义核心价值观"中的"诚信、友善",从道德维度看,体现了践行社会主义核心价值观要"守私德"的道德要求。其中,"友善"既关乎"公德",也关乎"私德"。"明大德""守公德""严私德"既统一于践行"社会主义核心价值观"之中,也统一于新时代道德建设的过程中,故而,践行社会主义核心价值观,需加强新时代的道德建设。     

Democracy at Rest: Strategic Ratification of the Twenty-First Amendment

The Prohibition (Eighteenth, 1919) and repeal (Twenty-First,1933) amendments, which represent the only case of a later amendmentdirectly reversing an earlier one, were ratified by the twodifferent methods allowed by Article V of the United StatesConstitution: the former by state legislatures, the latter bystate conventions. This essay examines the legislatures-or-conventionsdichotomy as a microcosm of William Riker's treatment of liberalismand populism, with specific attention paid to the state conventionsthat ratified repeal. Using previously uncollected county datafrom the special elections to choose the 1933 convention delegates,this study demonstrates that invocation of the convention methodwas strategic, and intended not only to legitimate the Twenty-FirstAmendment but also to improve its chances of passage.     

Morality of Public Deficits: A Historical Perspective

This article examines the morality of public deficits through the views of political leaders, economists and public finance experts. It looks at the changing attitude about borrowing for the modern state and examines the ability of current generations to shift the debt burden to future generations. The article also explores whether the adoption of an organic or individualistic concept of the role of the state affects conclusions concerning the morality of public debt.     

"以德治国"研究综述

江泽民“以德治国”的重要思想提出以后,在全国各界引起强烈反响。本文就近期这方面的研究成果作一综述,为广大党员干部深人学习研究“以德治国”思想提供参考。 一、“以德治国”思想提出的理论背景及意义 众多学者认为,江泽民同志最近提出的以德治国思想,源于深厚的理论基础,具有重大的现实意义和深远的历史意义。 首先,以德治国思想是以江泽民同志为核心的党的第三代领导集体对马列主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论的继承和发展。许多学者认为,这一思想的提出是对马克思主义国家学说的丰富和贡献。马克思主义告诉我们,法律是保证社…     

Intelligence for the Twenty-First Century

The transformation of intelligence architectures, particularly in the West, is no less profound than that of the weapons, platforms, warfighting systems and governments they are designed to support and inform. Moreover, the cumulative weight of the changes in prospect will redefine the way in which intelligence is used and conceived. The old demarcation lines between strategic and operational intelligence and between operations and intelligence, once starkly differentiated will blur. Decision-makers will have better access to intelligence as a result of advances in ‘pull’ technology which have made possible intelligence on demand while open source intelligence will enrich and add value to national intelligence databases.

Although information will become more plentiful and less of a privileged source in the global information environment of the twenty-first century, paradoxically the demand for timely, high quality strategic and operational intelligence will intensify rather than diminish. What will distinguish the successful practitioners of twenty-first century intelligence is the ability to fuse and integrate all elements of the process to provide seamless support for policy-makers and operational commanders. However, despite impressive advances in integration, technical collection and communications no intelligence system, no matter how efficacious, will ever be able to completely dispel the fog of war.     

Hunters not Gatherers: Intelligence in the Twenty-First Century

Because of its origins in a sort of anti-Elizabethan paranoia against centralised government, the United States is poorly set up institutionally to cope with the major danger to itself in the twenty-first century: the threat posed by Islamist terrorism. The Director of Central Intelligence is neither central nor fully directing. A large part of the intelligence community, especially in terms of budgets and supervision, is outside his direct control. There is a 'waters edge' separation between the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the CIA. Essentially the CIA collects foreign intelligence and counter-intelligence overseas. The FBI, primarily a crime-oriented organisation, has had only a secondary function of domestic counter-intelligence. It is a case-oriented agency focused on establishing past facts in order to bring suspects to justice. It is psychologically ill-adapted to conceptualising threats that lie upstream, that is, in the future. In this context, September 11 can be most properly described as a failure of imagination. Remedies being proposed range from creating an internal security service à la Britain's MI5 to establishing a semi-autonomous domestic counter-intelligence agency within the FBI. In the field of covert action, intelligence in the twenty-first century likely will be characterised by what could be termed an offensive hunt strategy. Put in another way, intelligence operatives in the twenty-first century will become hunters, not gatherers. They will not simply sit back and gather information that comes in, analyse it, and then decide what to do about it. Rather they will have to go and hunt out intelligence that will enable them to track down or kill terrorists. This will involve sending operatives into countries with which we are not at war, indeed in some cases countries with which we have correct relations. In many circumstances, however, terrorist leaders will be hunted down with the help of host country elements. The likelihood is that this new strategy will be implemented primarily in terms of Special Forces operations aided by CIA elements. Modalities will have to be worked out between the Department of Defense and the CIA as to how such offensive hunt operations are to be carried out and how congressional oversight will be exercised.     

Thinking About Constitutionalism at the Start of the Twenty-First Century

At the beginning of a new century, constitutional democracyseems ascendant almost to the point of a universal inevitability.What follows is in part a cautionary tale and in part an assessmentof where we now stand in one of history's most hopeful long-termtrends. An examination of the diffusion of constitutional democracy,and of general trends in cross-national constitutional developmentssince World War II, leads to a consideration of the manner andextent to which modern constitutionalism embodies a recapitulationof human cultural and political evolution. The culture-power-justicenexus that characterizes modem constitutionalism was first dissectedby Montesquieu, and an examination of his approach to constitutionalismprovides a useful window into why we developed the politicaltechnology of constitutional democracy and why the future ofthis technology is not a foregone conclusion.     

Partnership and Continuous Improvement in Countering Twenty-First Century Terrorism

I will shortly be retiring as Director General of the SecurityService (M15), responsible for protecting the UK's nationalsecurity from terrorism as well as other threats. My successorwill inherit huge challenges, many of which will be shared withthe Police Service.