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1.
Path-Dependent Explanations of Regime Change: Central America in Comparative Perspective 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
James Mahoney 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2001,36(1):111-141
This article explores the application of ideas about path dependence to the study of national political regime change. It
first reviews the central components of pathdependent explanation, including the concepts of critical juncture and legacy.
This mode of explanation is then employed in the analysis of diverging regime trajectories in Central America during the 19th
and 20th centuries. The article argues that the 19th-century liberal reform period was a critical juncture that locked the
Central American countries onto divergent paths of long-term development, culminanting in sharply contrasting regime outcomes.
A final section puts the argument about Central America in a broader comparative perspective by considering other pathdependent
explanations of regime change.
James Mahoney is assistant professor of sociology at Brown University. He is the author ofThe Legacies of Liberalism: Path Dependence and Political Regimes in Central America (2001). His current research focuses on long-run development and the legacy of Spanish colonialism in Latin America.
For helpful comments and criticisms on an earlier draft, I would like to thank David Collier, Gerardo L. Munck, and the anonymous
referees. 相似文献
2.
This article examines the political context within which the Bolivian government of Víctor Paz Estenssoro (1985–1989) launched,
implemented, and sustained a draconian neoliberal economic stabilization program. The article argues that the key to the successful
economic program was the political skill and leadership of President Paz, in particular, his ability to negotiate a political
pact with the main opposition party. Finally, the article ponders the tensions and contradictions between neoliberal economic
policies and the process of consolidating democracy in a context of extreme economic crisis.
James M. Malloy is professor of political science and research professor, University Center for International Studies, University
of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260. He is the author of a number of books and articles on Latin America politics, includingAuthoritarians and Democrats: Regime Transition in Latin America (University of Pittsburgh Press, 1987). He is presently working on issues of regime transition, economic adjustment, and
the role of private sector interest groups in Latin America. 相似文献
3.
This article examines the Mexican and Argentine cases of market reform and argues that despite important differences in regime
type and in recent economic and political trajectories, the decision-making process in the two countries came to display important
common features. In both cases, economic crises and debt negotiations played key roles in propelling technocratic reformers
into positions of policy predominance; both exhibited exclusionary technocratic decision-making styles in which small technocratic
elites insulated themselves from both extra and intra state pressures. While policy isolation was no doubt necessary for the
successful implementation of market reforms, this style may be counter-productive to political stability over the long term.
Judith Teichman is Professor of Political Science at the University of Toronto. Her articles have appeared in such journals
asLatin American Research Review, Latin American Perspectives, Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos, andThe Canadian Journal of Political Science and in edited volumes. She is the author ofPolicymaking in Mexico: From Boom to Crisis andPrivatization and Political Change in Mexico and is currently carrying out a comparative study of the structural adjustment policy process in Mexico, Argentina, and Chile. 相似文献
4.
Most contemporary analysts explain ethnic identity as a socially rooted phenomenon which can be catalyzed by changes in both
economic and political conditions. Taking the 1982 debt crisis as a main triggering event, this article analyzes the relationship
between economic adjustment and increasing levels of indigenous mobilization in Latin America. Through a comparison of the
Bolivian, Peruvian, and Mexican cases,the analysis reveals wide variation in the types and levels of ethnic conflict in the
region. Explanations for these differences center on the timing and content of economic adjustment policies, and on the institutional
opportunities available for expressing and channeling economic and political demands. The article concludes that political
and economic liberalization are likely to clash when shrinking the state also removes channels for popular participation;
moreover, when those that bear most of the adjustment burden are also challengers to national identity, states ignore this
challenge at their peril.
Alison Brysk is assistant professor of politics at the University of California at Irvine. Her book,The Politics of Human Rights in Argentina, was published by Stanford University Press. Various aspects of her current research on Latin American indigenous rights
movements have appeared inComparative Political Studies, Latin American Perspectives, andPolity.
Carol Wise is assistant professor of political science at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies.
She has published articles on Latin American political economy inInternational Organization, Latin American Research Review, and theJournal of Latin American Studies; she is the editor of a forthcoming collection entitledThe Post-NAFTA Political Economy: Mexico and the Western Hemisphere. 相似文献
5.
Mariana Llanos Ana Margheritis 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2006,40(4):77-103
This article explores why Argentine president Fernando de la Rúa (1999–2001) failed to govern and the factors that prevented
him from compelting his constitutional mandate. This study draw on current literature about leadership. We argue that President
De la Rúa’s ineffective performance was characteristic of an inflexible tendency towards unilateralism, isolationism, and
an inability to compromise and persuade. Moreover, we examine how de la Rúas performance, in the context of severe political
and economic constraints, discouraged cooperative practices among political actors, led to decision-making paralysis, and
ultimately to a crisis of governance
This work seeks to make four contributions. First, it conceptualizes political leadership by providing an analytical framework
that integrates individual action, institutional resources and constraints, and policy context, thus filling a gap in the
literature. Second, it explains the importance of effective leadership in building up and maintaining multiparty coalitions
in presidential systems. Third, it complements existing institutional approaches to improve our understanding of a new type
of instability in Latin America: the failure of more than a dozen of presidents to complete their constitutional mandates.
Fourth, it analyzes the way political and economic variables interact in times of crisis.
Mariana Llanos is a researcher at the Institut für Iberoamerika-Kunde (IIK) in Hamburg, Germany, and teaches Latin American
politics at the University of Hamburg. Her research focuses on Latin American political institutions particularly to the president-congress
relations and the legislatures of the Southern Cone. She is the author ofPrivatization and Democracy in Argentina (Palgrave, 2002), co-author ofBicameralismo, Senados y senadores en el Cono Sur latinoamericano (ICPS, Barcelona, 2005, together with Francisco Sánchez and Detlef Nolte) and co-editor ofControle Parlamentar na Alemanha, na Argentina e no Brasil (KAS, Rio de Janeiro, 2005, with Ana María Mustapic), among other works.
Ana Margheritis is assistant professor of international relations and Latin American politics at University of Florida. Her
research interests are in international political economy, foreign policy, regional cooperation, and inter-American relations.
She is the editor ofLatin American Democracies in the New Global Economy (2003); author ofAjuste y Reforma en Argentina, 1989–1995 (1999); and co-author ofHistoria de las relaciones exteriores de la República Argentina (with Carlos Escudé et al., 1998) andMalvinas: Los motivos económicos de un conflicto (with Laura Tedesco, 1991), as well as of several articles in academic journals and book chapters.
The authors are grateful to Vicente Palermo and three anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments. 相似文献
6.
Many contributors to the new literature on democratic consolidation overemphasize the role of political leadership, strategic
choices about basic institutional arrangements or economic policy, and other contingent process variables. Their focus on
political crafting has encounraged an undue optimism about the possibility of consolidating democracies in unfavorable structural
contexts. This article critiques the current literature and asserts the primary importance of structural context in democratic
consolidation. The powerful influence of structural context is illustrated by using just two structural variables, economic
development level and prior authoritarian regime type, to indicate a group of thirty-eight countries in which democracy has
failed to consolidate during the third wave of democratization (1974-present) and is very unlikely to do so in the near or
medium-term future.
Men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by
themselves, but under circumstances directly found, given and transmitted from the past.
J. Mark Ruhl is Gleen and Mary Todd Professor of Political Science and Chair of the Department of Political Science at Dickinson
College in Carlisle, PA. He has written extensively on Latin American politics and has specialized in the cases of Colombia
and Honduras. Recent publications by Professor Ruhl includeParty Politics and Elections in Latin America (Westview, 1989), coauthored with R.H. McDonald of Syracuse University, and “Redefining Civil-Military Relations in Honduras”Journal of Intermerican Studies and World Affairs (Spring 1996). 相似文献
7.
Murillo Maria Victoria Ronconi Lucas 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2004,39(1):77-98
In a context of increasing teachers’ militancy in Argentina, this article provides the first empirical analysis of teachers’
strikes in all twenty-four Argentine provinces during the 1990s. Using a cross-provincial statistical analysis, it explains
the wide variation across provinces and across time of Argentine teachers’ strikes. It demonstrates that political alignments
between provincial governors and teachers’ unions explain these patterns better than organizational and institutional variables,
which strongly shape public-sector labor relations in other countries. We emphasize the discretion of provincial governors,
for both the application of labor regulations and budgetary appropriations in the politicization of provincial public-sector
labor relations in Argentina, especially after the decentralization of education resulted in the provincialization of teachers’
protests.
Maria Victoria Murillo is associate professor of political science and international affairs at Columbia University. She was
previously an assistant professor at Yale University, a Peggy Rockefeller Fellow at the David Rockefeller Center for Latin
American Studies, and a Fellow at Harvard Academy for International and Area Studies. She is the author ofLabor Unions, Partisan Coalitions, and Market Reforms in Latin America (Cambridge University Press 2001) and various articles on the politics of market reforms, labor protest, and privatization
of public utilities in Latin America.
the authors acknowledge the useful suggestions of the editor and three anonymous reviewers, and the comments of Ernesto Calvo,
Javier Corrales, Tulia Faletti, Miriam Golden, Frances Rosenbluth, Andrew Schrank, Kenneth Scheve, J. Samuel Valenzuela, James
Vreeland; and the participants in the Seminar on Globalization and Labor Struggle at Columbia University, the Latin American
Seminar of the David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies at Harvard University, the seventh annual meeting of LACEA,
and the Business School seminar at Universidad Torcuato Di Tella. M. V. Murillo acknowledges the support of the Yale Center
for International and Area Studies and the Carnegie Program for the Study of Globalization, and L. Ronconi acknowledges the
support of the CEDI at the Universidad de San Andrés. 相似文献
8.
The past twenty-five years of economic reform have seen the transformation of labor relations in China, with the widespread
adoption of capitalist labor practices by firms of all ownership types. This transformation has occurred in the absence of
both large-scale privatization and political change, but was part of a gradual yet dynamic liberalization and “opening up”
to foreign trade and investment that occurred across both regions and across types of firms. The first half of this paper
details this process of dynamic liberalization that has spawned competition and change in labor practices, including marked
increases in managerial autonomy and labor flexibility. This explanation goes beyond the regional emphasis to also examine
changes across types of ownership; the gradual liberalization of labor policies and convergence with capitalist practices
can only be understood as part of a more general trend ofownership expansion, through the introduction of new types of firms, andownership recombination, which is the fusing of the public and non-state sectors through novel forms of organization. The much-needed panacea to
this shift to capitalism—a state regulatory and legal regime that is capable of mitigating its excesses and effective organizations
to represent labor—is not yet well established. The second half of this paper explores two institutions, the labor contract
system and the official trade union organization, to show how labor relations have shifted dramatically toward flexibility,
insecurity, and managerial control.
The author would like to thank those who offered comments and criticisms, including Mark Frazier, Jaeyoun Won, Bill Hurst,
Jacob Eyferth, Elizabeth Remick, Mark Selden, Ruth Collier, and two anonymous reviewers. 相似文献
9.
Research on liberal democracy in newly developing countries has been hampered by the view of civil society as a bounded realm;
by insufficient attention to power, class, and legal-juridical institutions; and by too limited a conception of social movements
with democratic potential. In this study of urban migrants’ struggle for property rights, the migrants’ political action is
found to be associated with a capitalist social movement. The legal changes that the movement helped institute and the means
that it employed have enhanced democracy by extending property rights to the poor and by opening up policy processes to public
debate and input. Insofar as liberal reform involves the law and its administration, it requires a positive, facilitative
state, in spite of liberalism’s broadly antistatist commitments. The study also reveals that liberal reform can have a popular
content even if supported by elites. The findings suggest that the realization of full citizenship rights is, for now, at
least as crucial to the future of Latin American democracy as the narrowing of economic inequalities.
David G. Becker is associate professor of government at Dartmouth College, Hanover, NH 03755. He is the author ofThe New Bourgeoisie and the Limits of Dependency (Princeton University Press, 1982); a counthor ofPostimperialism (Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1987); and the author of “Beyond Dependency: Development and Democracy in the Era of International
Capitalism,” in Dankwart A. Rustow and Kenneth P. Erickson (ededs.),Comparative Political Dynamic (HarperCollis, 1991), in addition to many other articles on aspects of political development. Becker’s current research centers
of the nature of constitutionalism and democracy in Latin America. He is preparing a book-length treatment of the rule of
law in Latin America, along with an edited book on postimperialism that will present new case studies of a variety of countries
and world regions. 相似文献
10.
Richard Snyder 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2001,36(1):93-110
Subnational units of analysis play an increasingly important role in comparative politics. Although many recent studies of
topics such as ethnic conflict, economic policy reform, and democratization rely on comparisons across subnational political
units, insufficient attention has been devoted to the methodological issues that arise in the comparative analysis of these
units. To help fill this gap, this article explores how subnational comparisons can expand and strengthen the methodological
repertoire available to social science researchers. First, because a focus on subnational units is an important tool for increasing
the number of observations and for making controlled comparisons, it helps mitigate some of the characteristic limitations
of a small-N research design. Second, a focus on subnational units strengthens the capacity of comparativists to accurately
code cases and thus make valid causal inferences. Finally, subnational comparisons better equip researchers to handle the
spatially uneven nature of major processes of political and economic transformation.
Richard Snyder is assistant professor of political science at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. He is the author
ofPolitics after Neoliberalism (2001). His articles on regime change and the political economy of development have appeared inWorld Politics, Comparative Politics, Journal of Democracy, andBritish Journal of Political Science.
I appreciate helpful comments on this material from Nancy Bermeo, Dexter Boniface, David Collier, John Gerring, Edward Gibson,
Robert Kaufman, Juan Linz, James Mahoney, Kelly McMann, Gerardo Munck, Peter Nardulli, David Samuels, Judith Tendler, and
two anonymous reviewers. I also benefited greatly from the insightful comments on an earlier draft provided by the participants
in the conference on “Regimes and Political Change in Latin America,” held at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
in August 1999. 相似文献
11.
Competing for Foreign Direct investment: Efforts to Promote Nontraditional FDI in Costa Rica, Brazil, and Chile 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This article examines government efforts in Costa Rica, Rio Grande do Sul in Brazil, and Chile to promote nontraditional foreign
direct investment (FDI). Rather than attempting to account for the overall level of FDI attracted, this article seeks to explain
the ability of governments to develop a well-targeted, responsive, and sustained strategy specifically to attract nontraditional
FDI. It concludes that three independent variables play an important role in making some governments more effective than others
at developing strategies to promote nontraditional FDI. These are the extent of the government's autonomy from special interest
groups, both domestic and foreign; the extent of the government's transnational learning capacity; and the extent to which
there is an ideological consensus among political parties in the country or state in favor of working closely with the business
community.
Roy C. Nelson is an associate professor of International Studies at Thunderbird, the Garvin School of International Management.
He is currently completing a book entitledHarnessing Globalization: The Promotion of Nontraditional Foreign Direct Investment in Latin America. 相似文献
12.
This research employs a cross-national design to explore the association between direct foreign investment in agriculture,
changes in the agricultural labor force, and political conflict and violence in developing countries. The results reveal different
patterns of relationships for Latin American, African, and Asian societies. In Africa, foreign agricultural investments are
related to higher employment in the agricultural sector, which in turn is associated with lower levels of political protest.
In Latin America, Foreign agricultural investments were directly related to more protest, suggesting a xenophobic nationalist
reaction to foreign penetration in this sector. There were no apparent relationships between these variables among Asian states.
These results challenge the often-found contention that economic disturbances in the agricultural sector are a fundamental
cause of violent uprisings and rebellions.
John M. Rothgeb, Jr. is a professor in the Department of Political Science at Miami Univeristy in Oxford, Ohio 45056. He is
the author ofDefining Power: Influence and Force in the Contemporary International System (St. Martin’s Press, 1993),Myths and Realities of Foreign Investiment in Poor Countries (Praeger Publishers, 1989) and numerous articles in professional journals. His current research interests include the study
of the international and domestic implications of interdependence and the analysis of how economic resources may be used to
exercise power in international relations. 相似文献
13.
Patrick Heller Dietrich Rueschemeyer Richard Snyder 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2009,44(4):287-295
The principles of analysis proposed 40 years ago by Cardoso and Faletto in Dependency and Development in Latin America provide a fruitful way to understand divergent patterns of development in the contemporary era of globalization. This set
of analytic principles combines a focus on distinct modes of national insertion into the global economy with a focus on the
balance of domestic class forces, the capacity of state institutions, and contingent choices by political actors to explain
the contrasting developmental fortunes of countries. The contributors to this special issue demonstrate the vitality of these
principles by harnessing them to the dual task of explaining how countries respond to the challenges of globalization and
the consequences of these responses. The critical, macroscopic, and possibilistic approach to political economy taken by the
contributors offers an exciting and powerful way to understand the problems of development in our globalized world. 相似文献
14.
Steve Ellner is the director of the Center for Administrative and Economic Research of the Universidad de Oriente, Puerto
La Cruz, Venezuela. He is the author ofOrganized Labor in Venezuela, 1958–1991: Behavior and Concerns in a Democratic Setting (Scholarly Resources) and coeditor ofThe Latin American Left: From the Fall of Allende to Perestroika (Westview Press), both published in 1993. 相似文献
15.
This article examines the reasons behind the dramatic decline in military budgets in Argentina under democratic rule. These
trends were unexpected, given the, political power the armed forces of that country have wielded in the past. Here it is argued
that within the democratic state, there were institutional arrangements that enabled civilian decision makers to trim defense
expenditures, despite opposition from the military. The two key institutional traits were found to be the concentration of
authority and the autonomy of decision-makers from outside pressures. Because budgetmaking was centered within a well-insulated
civilian-run ministry, fiscal planners working at the behest of the president were able to design and implement budgets they
wanted, over and above the objections of military officers, and without interference from other branches of government.
David Pion-Berlin is a Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Riverside. He is the author of several
books, includingThrough Corridors of Power: Institutions and Civil-Military Relations in Argentina (Penn State University Press, 1997), and numerous articles on the subjects of Latin American civil-military relations, military
regimes, political economy, and political repression. 相似文献
16.
Scott Mainwaring Daniel Brinks Aníbal Pérez-Liñán 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2001,36(1):37-65
This article is about how political regimes should generally be classified, and how Latin American regimes should be classified for the 1945–99 period. We make five general claims about regime classification. First, regime classification should rest on sound concepts and definitions. Second, it should be based on explicit and sensible coding and aggregation rules. Third, it necessarily involves some subjective judgments. Fourth, the debate about dichotomous versus continuous measures of democracy creates a false dilemma. Neither democratic theory, nor coding requirements, nor the reality underlying democratic practice compel either a dichotomous or a continuous approach in all cases. Fifth, dichotomous measures of democracy fail to capture intermediate regime types, obscuring variation that is essential for studying political regimes. This general discussion provides the grounding for our trichotomous ordinal scale, which codes regimes as democratic, semi-democratic or authoritarian in nineteen Latin American countries from 1945 to 1999. Our trichotomous classification achieves greater differentiation than dichotomous classifications and yet avoids the need for massive information that a very fine-grained measure would require. 相似文献
17.
The purpose of this highly speculative article is to assess a broad range of possible developments in Cuba over the next five
to seven years that could directly and adversely affect U.S. interests. By definition, therefore, it does not provide equal
treatment to more optimistic and, salubrious scenarios. A key assumption is that the Cuban economy will not sustain a strong
rebound to high levels of growth. Specific observations about how security challenges might impact certain U.S. government
activities are also included according to the article’s terms of reference. No attempt is made to assign numerical or other
probabilities to the counterfactual cases discussed. Finally, the future time frame examined includes treatments of a continuation
of Fidel Castro's regime as well as the emergence of one or more successor governments.
Brian Latell has been teaching courses on Cuba and Latin America at, Georgetown University for the past twenty-one years.
He has written and lectured on Cuba, Mexico, and U.S. Foreign Intelligence Issues. In 1998 he co-editedEye in the Sky: The Story of the Corona Spy Satellites, published by the Smithsonian Press. He served as National Intelligence Officer for Latin America at the National Intelligence
Council between 1990–1994. From 1994–1998 he was Director of the Center for the Study of Intelligence at CIA and chaired the
Editorial Board ofStudies In Intelligence. Last year he retired from government service, and was awarded the Distinguished Intelligence Medal. 相似文献
18.
The article argues that Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela are political systems suffering from an acute deficit
of democratic authenticity, that is, a loss of substance in democratic processes. The deficit in democratic authenticity is
a product of malfunctions in the mechanisms of political linkage and multiple barriers that inhibit effective citizen participation
in public life. Rather than acceding to minimalist interpretations of democracy that deemphasize the importance, of active
citizen participation, the author stresses the importance of maintaining a rigorous normative definition of democracy as the
standard by which to assess the state of democractic political development.
Catherine M. Conaghan is a Queen’s National Scholar and professor of political studies at Queen’s University. She is the author
ofRestructuring Domination: Industrialists and the State in Ecuador (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1988) and co-author ofUnsettling Scatecraft: Democracy and Neoliberalism in the Central Andes (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1994). 相似文献
19.
This article examines policy consequences of electoral cycles and exchange rate regime choices in Brazil. The literature on
opportunistic political business cycles maintains that governments adopt expansionary economic policies before elections to
mobilize voters’ support. However, research findings in Latin America based on the theory has been inconclusive. I argue that
the lack of conclusive evidence in Latin America stems from measurement errors common in the use of cross-national aggregate
data. Using Brazil’s monthly data from 1985 to 2006, this article shows that there are electorally induced fiscal cycles under
fixed and crawling peg exchange rate regimes and electorally induced monetary cycles under floating exchange rates only when
the nation’s central bank is not independent. Indeed, accounting for Brazil’s unique economic contingencies and longitudinal
variations in the de facto central bank independence, its public policy behavior remarkably resembles that of the more affluent,
economically stable OECD countries.
Taeko Hiroi is assistant professor of political science at The University of Texas at El Paso. Her research focuses on political institutions and political economy in Latin America. Her most recent publications appear in Latin American Perspectives, Comparative Political Studies, and The Journal of Legislative Studies. 相似文献
Taeko HiroiEmail: |
Taeko Hiroi is assistant professor of political science at The University of Texas at El Paso. Her research focuses on political institutions and political economy in Latin America. Her most recent publications appear in Latin American Perspectives, Comparative Political Studies, and The Journal of Legislative Studies. 相似文献
20.
All of the Southern Cone military regimes of the 1970s articulated a commitment to a neoconservative program of state change.
Nowhere, however, was the commitment translated into policy with greater zeal, speed, and consistency than in Chile. What
differed in Chile was less a lack of resistance to neoconservatism than the capacity of the economic team to ignore or override
that resistance due to the extreme concentration of political power achieved by General Augusto Pinochet. The Chilean experience
consequently underlines the importance of institutional arrangements for understanding variations in policy outcomes.
Karen L. Remmer is a professor of political science at the University of New Mexico and associate editor of theLatin American Research Review. Her research interests revolve around the interface between politics and economics in Latin America with special reference
to the policy impact of regime change. 相似文献