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F. M. Scherer 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(2):224-236
Drawing upon East German Stasi archives, this article presents the story of Horst Hesse's penetration as a double agent into a US Military Intelligence office in Würzburg, Germany during 1955 and 1956. While military personnel were celebrating a German holiday, Hesse broke into the office with two accomplices and absconded with two safes containing the names of MI agents in East Germany. Many were arrested and some were sentenced. The account provides important positive and negative lessons for intelligence tradecraft. 相似文献
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Len Scott 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(3):23-47
Oleg Penkovsky spied for SIS and the CIA during a crucial phase of the Cold War. Acclaimed as one of the most important spies of the century, his role in the Cuban missile crisis has been portrayed as of pre‐eminent importance to the outcome. Other historians have challenged this interpretation, while some believe that far from working for the West, Penkovsky was an instrument of Soviet strategic deception. This article draws upon CIA records and recent scholarship on the missile crisis to adjudicate on these various claims, and to show where, how and why much of the literature exaggerates and distorts Penkovsky's influence and importance. Avenues for further research are also identified. 相似文献
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Daniele Ganser 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(4):553-580
In 1990, the existence of a secret anti-Communist stay-behind army in Italy, codenamed ‘Gladio’ and linked to NATO, was revealed. Subsequently, similar stay-behind armies were discovered in all NATO countries in Western Europe. Based on parliamentary and governmental reports, oral history, and investigative journalism, the essay argues that neutral Switzerland also operated a stay-behind army. It explores the role of the British secret service and the reactions of the British and the Swiss governments to the discovery of the network and investigates whether the Swiss stay-behind army, despite Swiss neutrality, was integrated into the International NATO stay-behind network. 相似文献
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Andrew Fiala 《Human Rights Review》2006,7(4):19-37
This paper argues that citizens should be wary of a policy of Reformed Preemption such as is found in the National Security
Strategy of the United States. This policy is too permissive with regard to the use of force and it suffers from epistemological
difficulties. The war in Iraq is examined in an effort to see how the new policy of Reformed Preemption will be employed in
practice. This case shows us two risks of the new policy: it permits wars even when the threats are vague and merely potential;
and it allows for disproportionate use of force. 相似文献
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Amitai Etzioni 《Policy Sciences》1970,1(1):255-265
A wealth of solutions to poverty have been proposed, with little understanding of the forces required to turn a sound idea into an implementable program. A system approach is suggested to overcome this deficiency. This implies analyzing the effects of antipoverty measures on other elements of a society and a polity and the feedback effects of changes in these other elements on the new programs which are being introduced. Such an approach is seen overcoming the limitations of fragmented views of the issue—such as the purely economic one—as well as the lack of systematic analysis of a progam's costs, benefits, sources of funds, and nonfinancial resources. Consequently, a challenge is also offered to those who formulate programs without taking into account dominant values (e.g., questions of consensus) and other political considerations (e.g., which groups would benefit or suffer from the program). This is seen as leading to undemocratic action or, most frequently, to inaction due to resistance. The article concludes with a brief review of the recent Nixon-Moynihan proposal in terms of the societal-system approach here advocated, and adds a cautionary note on the limits of planning.In revising this article, I benefited from comments by Daniel Bell, Carolyn O. Atkinson, and Sarajane Heidt. 相似文献
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Elizabeth A. Cole has edited a comprehensive collection of casestudies of educational reform efforts following some of the20th century's most searing episodes of violence and human rightsabuse. The collection begins with an essay on the role of educationalreform in reconciliation. Cole 相似文献
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Patrick Hayden 《Human Rights Review》2004,6(1):35-55
Conclusion The explicit articulation of a cosmopolitan conception of human security and a corresponding right to peace is a positive
development in global politics, inasmuch as it decenters the state in our understanding of the human community and delegitimizes
organized violence as the generally accepted means for the “continuation” of realist politics. I have argued that just war
theory, when defined in suitably narrow fashion, helps to contribute to our thinking on issues of human security in several
ways. First, it provides a stringent normative framework for a reasonable humanitarian justification of the resort to force.
Second, it enables us to conceptualize significant moral and legal constraints on war and thus on the powers of states to
wage war, thereby displacing the use of force from the statist paradigm of security. Third, it contributes to the delegitimation
of unjust wars, that is, military actions undertaken for any purposes other than human security. Fourth, insofar as it provides
a justificatory basis for the increasing demilitarization of society, it may influence the progressive and just pacification
of global politics.
As long as the types of human wrongs that present the gravest threats to human security continue to haunt the global community,
there remains a need to be able to respond effectively so as to protect the rights and well-being of individuals. This need
poses a genuine dilemma for humanitarian morality and politics, insofar as many of the military capabilities required to defend
and to aid vulnerable persons can also be the source of threats to human life and welfare. Yet the existence of this dilemma
need not lead us either to apathy or to cynicism. The nexus of human security, the right to peace, and just war theory offers
a resolution to the traditional security dilemma by challenging the realist rationale for aggressive militarism, and by supporting
the emergence of global security structures and processes guided by the humanitarian norms of just peace. *** DIRECT SUPPORT
*** A28BB021 00002 相似文献
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The study of comparative federalism is often hampered by the diverse range of federal institutional arrangements in practice, as well as the ambiguity surrounding the concept of federalism. This article identifies three main conceptual approaches to federalism – sociological, constitutional, and governmental – then proposes a revised governmental approach that takes account of the institutional effects of federalism, for application in comparative politics research. Minimally defined, all federations are products of institutional rules that create separate territorial spheres of authority. This article compares Canada, the United States, Australia, Austria, Germany and Switzerland along two key institutional dimensions that structure politics in the federal state: resource allocation, and the representation of constituent units in federal-level decision-making. 相似文献